Bayside State Prison
Cumberland,
New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
Oct
28, 2013 pressofatlanticcity.com
Inmates
of Bayside State Prison in Cumberland County are reportedly protesting meal
service following the switch to a private food vendor earlier this year.
Labor union representatives characterized the protest as a “hunger strike,”
but a state Department of Corrections spokeswoman said there have been
complaints but no strike. “In the past week, we have had several inmates
express dissatisfaction with meals and portion sizes,” DOC spokeswoman
Deirdre Fedkenheuer said Saturday. “We are working
with the inmate representatives to address their concerns.” Eric Holliday,
president of the New Jersey Law Enforcement Supervisors Association, said
guards at the Maurice River Township facility reported that inmates have been
on strike for several days because the “food is not up to par.” In 2011, 91
inmates staged a one-meal hunger strike in protest of prison services. At the
time, a DOC spokesman said their concerns were addressed and the strike ended
immediately. This February, the private firm Aramark Correctional Services,
took over food production at the facility as part of a state pilot program.
According to Aramark’s website, the Philadelphia-based company serves 1
million meals a day, in addition to other support services at 600
correctional facilities. Representatives from Aramark could not be reached
for comment.
May 13, 2004
A New Jersey inmate infected with potentially deadly hepatitis C has filed a
federal lawsuit against the state Corrections Department and its medical
contractor, contending that his disease was left untreated for a decade after
it was detected. The suit by Jose Lopez, 49, an inmate at Bayside State
Prison in Leesburg, Cumberland County, is the latest to allege that New Jersey
neither treated inmates for the liver disease nor told them that tests had
found they were infected. Lopez, whose family lives in Lindenwold, was
one of 421 inmates notified in July 2002 that they were infected with
the hepatitis C virus. The state's mass notification came in response to an
Inquirer investigation of its handling of the disease, which can destroy the
liver. "The conduct of prison officials and medical providers was
outrageous. Not to inform Mr. Lopez of a life-threatening disease is tantamount
to watching a person having a heart attack and sit idly by," said
Lopez's Philadelphia lawyer, Mark B. Frost, who filed the suit Friday in
Camden. The Department of Corrections declined to comment on the
lawsuit. A spokesman for the department's medical contractor, the St.
Louis-based Correctional Medical Services Inc., said he had not reviewed the
lawsuit and could not immediately comment. Lopez, a career criminal who
has been in prison since 1983, tested positive for the hepatitis virus in
1992, the suit said. By the time he was notified 10 years later, it said, his
health had seriously deteriorated. He has since developed bleeding
ulcers, a sign of liver cirrhosis caused by hepatitis C, medical records
show. In addition to Lopez, several other current and former New Jersey
prisoners have sued the Department of Corrections and Correctional Medical
Services - the largest prison health company in the nation. (Times
Leader)
Bo Robinson Treatment Center
Trenton, New Jersey
Community Education Centers
Oct
25, 2017 nj.com Jersey
5 charged with smuggling drugs, alcohol to gang members at halfway house
TRENTON -- Federal investigators have arrested five people, including two
state employees, on charges they smuggled drugs and alcohol to residents of a
halfway house in Trenton. The suspects were arrested last Friday following a
three-year investigation of contraband funneled inside the Bo Robinson
Education and Training Center on Enterprise Avenue, the U.S. Marshals Service
said. The Bo Robinson center houses inmates and offers corrections and
rehabilitation services for state agencies, including the N.J. Department of
Corrections (DOC) and N.J. State Parole Board. Charged with money laundering
and implements of escape are: Christy Hyshaw, 37;
Sharon Green, 59; John Wheeler, 45; Javon Vereen, 22; and Anthony Bailey 50. Hyshaw and Vereen are currently DOC employees. The
scheme, though, took place before they were employed by the state, the
Marshals Service, which announced the arrests, said in a statement. The five
suspects were targets of an operation that pumped drugs, tobacco, alcohol and
cash into the center, where gang-member inmates - and other center residents
- trafficked the goods to others for a profit, the statement said. The
suspects were then paid cash for their roles by inmates
family members or their associates, the statement said. The center's owner,
the Geo Group, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. In
October 2016, Trenton police investigated a case in which a basketball stuffed
with drugs and cell phones was tossed over the facility's fence. And an
employee was arrested two months before that for planning to smuggle drugs
inside, authorities said at the time. In the summer of 2015, Mercer County
officials pulled about a dozen inmates from the facility citing mismanagement
concerns and ongoing drug issues, inmate walkaways and drugs in the facility.
January 21, 2010 The Star-Ledger
State authorities are conducting a sweeping search for contraband at the
Bo Robinson Treatment Center today, and one union official said they're
hunting for a firearm. The private facility, run by West Caldwell-based
Community Education Centers, is located on an industrial road just off Route
1. With a capacity of up to 900 people, it houses state and county inmates as
well as offenders under parole supervision. Jim McGonigal, president of the
New Jersey Law Enforcement Supervisors Association, which represents
sergeants, said authorities found cell phones, alcohol and drugs in the
facility last night. Now, acting on a tip, he said they're looking for a
weapon. "The Department of Corrections is reacting proactively," he
said. "They're taking it very seriously." A convoy of white
Department of Corrections vehicles pulled up shortly before 10:30 a.m. A line
of officers, some with search dogs, entered the facility shortly after, while
another two with rifles stayed outside. Christopher Greeder,
spokesman for Community Education Centers, confirmed the search but did not
say whether they're looking for a gun. "Out of an abundance of caution,
we're searching the whole facility," he said. "The good news is, nothing major has turned up yet." Parole Board
spokesman Neal Buccino said at least one cell phone was found on a parolee.
He said county and state authorities responded to the facility today after
receiving a tip early this morning. McGonigal said it's the second major
sweep of the facility in the last few weeks. He said centers like Bo Robinson
lack the safety standards of state prisons. "We have no problem putting
nonviolent offenders there," he said. "But they're putting in
violent offenders. It's a breeding ground for disaster." Greeder said inmates at Bo Robinson are kept separate
based on whether they're from county or state jurisdictions. He added that
the facility has been recommended for accreditation from the American
Correctional Association in November with a 100 percent compliance rating.
Camden County Jail
Camden, New Jersey
Aramark, Prison Health Services
February 17, 2009 Courier-Post
Rodent droppings, improper food storage and plumbing problems afflicted the
kitchen at the Camden County Correctional Facility early this month,
according to a county health report. A Feb. 2 inspection at the county jail,
in downtown Camden, turned up more than a half-dozen health-related
violations in the kitchen. It serves about 60,000 meals a day to inmates and
staff, according to the inspection report. "The presence of mice
throughout kitchen and storage area was evident," according to the report
signed by inspectors Chris Naddeo and Caryelle Lasher. They estimated more than 200 mouse
droppings had collected there. Responding to media inquiries on Friday, the
county administration released a written statement that says that "a
corrective-action plan is in motion." "Inspectors will work closely
with the Correctional Facility's administration to make sure appropriate
policies and procedures are in place and implemented," the statement
reads. County jail inmates carry out day-to-day food preparation under the
supervision of Aramark Correctional Services workers, the county reported.
Aramark manages and operates the kitchen, according to the prepared
statement. The jail, the county health department and Aramark are cooperating
to address all the problems in the health report, including the cleanliness
and food-preparation concerns, the statement reads. Among the problems
outlined in the inspection report: Floors in the kitchen were not smooth or
easily cleaned. Instead, they were worn and allowed water, grease and food
debris to collect. Food was not covered well enough or protected from
contamination during storage. Mouse droppings were discovered in some loosely
covered butter. External doors near outdoor Dumpsters were not solid or
tight-fitting, so they did not protect well against rodents or insects. A
slow leak had developed in a storage-room ceiling. Several foods -- grits,
chicken, rice and beef -- were not kept at required temperatures. Plumbing
systems were not kept in good repair. Some water was draining directly onto
the floor.
April 29, 2004
The family of a Cherry Hill man killed in Camden County Jail filed a federal
lawsuit Wednesday, charging county correctional officials with "reckless
and deliberate indifference" in his death. The suit charges that
Joel Seidel's constitutional rights to medical care, due process and to be
free from cruel and unusual punishment were violated while the former
stockbroker was in custody. The lawsuit was filed in U.S. District
Court on behalf of Seidel's daughters, Sharon Clark and Devra
Seidel, co-administrators of his estate. "This tragedy was
preventable and we intend to prove that the reckless and deliberate
indifference of the prison guards and officials led to the death of Mr.
Seidel," said Tom Kline, of Kline & Specter of Cherry Hill, attorney
for the Seidel daughters. County officials had not been served with the
lawsuit late Wednesday and because of that were unable to comment, according
to a spokesman. The suit alleges "negligent, reckless,
intentional, wrongful, deliberately indifferent and unlawful conduct" on
the part of prison officials. The suit cites overcrowding at the prison
in general and the failure to move Seidel to a hospital, psychiatric facility
or his own cell and failure to provide adequate observation. The suit
names as defendants the Camden County Jail, Camden County Department of
Corrections and Camden County; and Prison Health Services Inc. and Steininger Behavioral Care Services, both of which had
contracts to provide services to inmates. (Courier-Post)
Community Education Centers
Roseland, New Jersey
Prisons,
Privatization, Patronage: by Paul Krugman, The New York Times,
June 22, 2012. Over the past few days, The New York Times has published
several terrifying reports about New Jersey's system of halfway houses -
privately run adjuncts to the regular system of prisons.
As
Escapees Stream Out, a Penal Business Thrives: by Sam Dolnick,
New York Times, June 16, 2012. After serving more than a year behind bars
in New Jersey for assaulting a former girlfriend, David Goodell was
transferred in 2010 to a sprawling halfway house in Newark.
Essex
County immigrant detention center a house of controversy: Chris Megerian, The Star-Ledger. Despite the barbed wire
snaking across the top of its perimeter fence, Delaney Hall is not a
traditional lock-up.
Texas
prison boom going bust: by Mitch Mitchell, September 3, 2011, Star-Telegram.
Expose on troubles facing many communities that bought into the private
prison bonding scam.
November 11, 2012 NY Times
When the power failed at Logan Hall, a sprawling halfway house in Newark that
resembles a prison, the rooms went dark. Then the locks clicked open. What
happened next is likely to fuel the debate over the future of the large,
privately run halfway houses in New Jersey, which have been criticized for
mismanagement and lax oversight. As Hurricane Sandy raged outside, dozens of
male inmates burst into Logan Hall’s corridors. They threatened female
inmates, tore apart furniture and ripped signs inscribed with inspirational
sayings from the walls, witnesses said. At least 15 inmates escaped from the
halfway house, including some who had served time for aggravated assault,
weapons possession and armed robbery. It was one of the largest mass escapes
in the recent history of New Jersey’s corrections system, according to
official statistics. All but one of the escapees have since been recaptured.
After the violence broke out on Oct. 29, about 50 law enforcement officers
from at least four state and county agencies converged on Logan Hall,
officials said. Many were called at home and told to report immediately to
the halfway house. Community Education Centers, the politically connected
company that runs the 650-bed halfway house, appears to have done little if
anything to prepare for the storm. The workers on duty, many of whom were poorly
paid, did not know how to operate the backup generator, witnesses said. They
did not even have flashlights. Gov. Chris Christie has long been an outspoken
supporter of Community Education, which dominates the halfway house system in
New Jersey. The Christie administration has not publicly disclosed that there
was a disturbance that night at Logan Hall. Mr. Christie’s close friend and
political adviser, William J. Palatucci, is a senior executive at Community
Education. Mr. Palatucci announced last week that he would step down from the
company. The company said the resignation was not related to the events at
Logan Hall. A spokesman for Mr. Christie referred questions about Logan Hall
to the State Department of Corrections. Both the Corrections Department and
Community Education played down the violence and the escapes.
November 8, 2012 NY Times SAM DOLNICK
William J. Palatucci, one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest friends and
political advisers, said Thursday that he was stepping down as a senior
executive at Community Education Centers, the politically connected company
that dominates the troubled system of halfway houses in New Jersey. The
resignation comes in the wake of widespread criticism of Community Education,
particularly by Democratic state legislators, who said the company’s halfway
houses, which are as large as prisons, were dangerous and poorly supervised.
Mr. Palatucci’s role at the company became a flash point after The New York
Times published a series of articles on escapes, violence and drug use at the
halfway houses. The articles also described poor government oversight across
the system, which handles thousands of inmates annually in New Jersey.
Political analysts said Mr. Palatucci’s departure signaled that Mr. Christie,
a Republican, wanted to avoid a potential liability before he began his
campaign for another term next year or weighed running for the White House in
2016. “It’s better not to have him associated with an enterprise that has
become very controversial and very damaging,” said Ross K. Baker, a political
science professor at Rutgers. “Any possible embarrassment that could result
with his continued association with the halfway houses is something that they
want to avoid.” Mr. Palatucci, a lawyer who has worked as a registered
lobbyist, said he had no definite plans and was leaving “to do something
different,” according to a spokesman, Eric Shuffler. Mr. Shuffler said Mr.
Palatucci did not resign because of political considerations. “One has
nothing to do with the other,” Mr. Shuffler said. Mr. Christie told
reporters: “I wouldn’t read anything into that in terms of politics. No. I
think it’s just Bill has decided it’s time for him to move on to another
opportunity, and that’s what he’s doing.” When Mr. Christie ran for governor
in 2009, Mr. Palatucci served as a senior campaign adviser while continuing
to work at Community Education. He was also co-chairman of Mr. Christie’s
inauguration committee in 2010. New Jersey has been a trailblazer in setting
up a network of privately run halfway houses, which resemble prisons but have
little of the security. They are meant to rehabilitate inmates, but are often
chaotic, filled with contraband and gang activity, and they offer shoddy
treatment, The Times found. After the articles were published in June, Mr.
Christie, who had been a strong supporter of Community Education, vowed to
step up inspections at the facilities. In July, the Legislature held two days
of hearings on the system that focused heavily on Community Education. While
Mr. Palatucci was not called to testify, many Democratic legislators wanted
to know whether his relationship with the governor had benefited the company.
Last year, Community Education was the only bidder for a $130 million
contract awarded by Essex County, whose chief executive is one of Mr.
Christie’s most important allies. That deal was heavily criticized as being
weighted in Community Education’s favor. Mr. Palatucci has long been
prominent in Republican circles. He was a major fund-raiser for President George
W. Bush and used his connections to help Mr. Christie, his former law
partner, secure a position as the United States attorney for New Jersey. When
Mr. Palatucci joined Community Education in 2005, the company already had
deep ties to Democratic politicians in New Jersey and was a major political
donor. Mr. Palatucci offered entree to Republicans in New Jersey. He also
played a key role as Community Education sought to expand to Alabama and
other states. That national expansion has faltered, leaving the company
teetering on the edge of bankruptcy in recent years.
August 21, 2012 AP
The New Jersey State Policemen's Benevolent Association has filed a lawsuit
that seeks to end a contract between Essex County and a private company that
operates halfway houses. The suit filed Monday alleges that Delaney Hall, a
Newark facility operated by Education Health Centers of America, is
jeopardizing public safety. It also questions the nonprofit status of the
firm, which has a sub-contracting arrangement with the for-profit Community
Education Centers. The suit alleges that Essex County moves inmates to a
lower-security facility run by EHCA in order to use its county jail space for
a more lucrative federal detainee contract. After-hours messages left for
EHCA and CEC officials on Tuesday night were not returned.
August 14, 2012 New York Times
The Christie administration said on Tuesday that it had issued $45,000 in
fines against New Jersey halfway houses from which nine inmates escaped in
recent months, the harshest penalties ever brought against the troubled
network of private operators. The halfway houses were fined for failing to
quickly report escapees to state officials and for recording inmates who had
escaped as present. In other cases, supervisors failed to keep track of
inmates who had fled from work-release programs or slipped away before being
sent back to prison, corrections officials said. The inmates escaped from six
different halfway houses, including two run by Community Education Centers, a
company that dominates the state’s halfway house system and has drawn
scrutiny because of its close ties to Gov. Chris Christie. Hundreds of
inmates escape from the state’s halfway houses each year, but authorities
have previously done little to crack down on the problem. No penalties had
ever been brought against halfway house operators until officials learned of
The New York Times’s 10-month investigation into escapes and other problems
at the privately run centers, which can be as big as prisons but have little
of their security. Corrections officials said on Tuesday that the penalties
would improve the performances of the halfway houses, which hold parolees and
inmates nearing the end of their sentences. The State Legislature held two
days of hearings last month into halfway house problems raised by the Times
articles, including gang activity, violence and drug use inside the centers.
Lawmakers have vowed to introduce bills increasing halfway house oversight
and tightening the contracting procedures. Senator Robert M. Gordon, a
Democrat from Bergenfield, said that it was “gratifying” to see the
Corrections Department beginning to hold halfway houses accountable. “This is
a step in the right direction, but it’s only a first step,” said Mr. Gordon,
who is chairman of the Legislative Oversight Committee, which held a hearing
into the halfway houses last month. “I think we actually need to change the
rules of the game.” The halfway house companies were notified last week of
the fines, which came after a review of all the escapes over the past nine
months.
August 8, 2012 New York Times
Gov. Chris Christie’s administration came under heavy criticism from
legislators last month at hearings on New Jersey’s privately run halfway
houses, which handle thousands of inmates each year. On Wednesday, Mr.
Christie fired back, saying he would significantly weaken a measure approved
by the legislators to increase their oversight of the system. It was the
second time Mr. Christie moved to weaken new regulations for halfway houses.
The Democratic-controlled Legislature approved a bill in June that required
the state auditor to conduct reviews of major corrections contracts with
private operators, including those with a halfway house company that
dominates the system and has close ties to Mr. Christie. But the governor, a
Republican, said Wednesday that he would sign the law only if all existing
contracts, including those with halfway house operators, were exempted from
the audits. He described the provision, freeing those contracts and their renewals
from review, in a footnote toward the end of a four-page statement on the
bill. Both the State Senate and the State Assembly have held hearings and
approved oversight measures for the system in response to a series of
articles in The New York Times in June about the system. The articles
described escapes, violence, security lapses, drug use and other problems at
the halfway houses, some of which are as large as prisons.
July 29, 2012 Star-Ledger
Democrats must be salivating at the chance to expose a nefarious relationship
between Gov. Chris Christie and his pal, William Palatucci, an executive with
the company that runs New Jersey’s halfway houses. They’ve held legislative
hearings to question Palatucci’s employer, Community Education Centers, about
its troubled track record. So far, there’s no evidence of anything improper
between the governor and his friend, and most of the problems reported in a
recent New York Times investigation of CEC took place before Christie took
office. But there’s enough concern about the company and its financial health
that a closer look is in order. The state’s comptroller, Matthew Boxer,
should investigate. These are our concerns: • Crime: The newspaper report cited a pattern of
escapes, gang activity, violence and drug use at CEC’s halfway houses in New
Jersey — held up as a national model for helping inmates move smoothly back
into the community. There have been more than 5,000 escapes and parole
absconders from the halfway houses since 2005, the report said. In one facility,
violence was so rampant that inmates asked to go back to prison. As New
Jersey takes steps to keep nonviolent offenders out of state prisons, are we
allowing a new level of violent incarceration take shape? • Finances: A federal lawsuit brought by a fired
executive claims CEC defaulted on its debt in 2009 and was close to
bankruptcy in 2010. Documents show deep staff cuts and, inside CEC, worries
about meeting payroll. The company called those lies, though it acknowledges
CEC has suffered in the economic downturn. What happens if the company that
saw 7,700 inmates and parolees pass through its doors last year suddenly
can’t pay its bills? • Influence:
Does CEC have a guardian angel? Lawmakers were concerned enough about CEC’s
finances to include a requirement in the state budget for quarterly reports
on CEC’s operations and finances. But Christie used his line-item veto to
strike part of those requirements, including the quarterly mandate. His
office said it was “burdensome.” Palatucci, CEC’s senior vice president and
general counsel, is a former law partner and close friend of Christie. Both
insist they’ve never misused that relationship. “We’ve gone to great lengths
to ensure the governor is insulated from any of the activities of the company
in New Jersey,” Palatucci said. But did others? In an e-mail to a longtime
investor after Christie was elected, CEO John Clancy boasted about
Palatucci’s friendship. It’s not the first time there have been questions.
After an audit last year criticized lax oversight of the halfway house
program, the Department of Corrections tripled its inspections and started
fining the company for escapes. Problems with escapes, violence and drugs
have improved. Boxer’s office has said it will conduct a follow-up audit.
That’s a start. What’s needed is a formal investigation, which has more
latitude. The comptroller’s role as a government watchdog, which includes
power to subpoena CEC’s records, could expose deep-seated money problems
before they explode. Or, it could put lingering questions to rest. Either
way, it’s a sensible next step. Boxer should have at it.
July 18, 2012 The Record
Senate Democrats released their witness list for tomorrow’s hearing into the
state’s halfway house system. Matthew Boxer, the state comptroller, and Gary
Lanigan, commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Corrections, have been
asked to testify, according to the Senate Democrats. Also on the list is John
J. Clancy, chairman and CEO of Community Education Centers. Community
Education Centers has been at the center of recent controversy over the
state’s privately run halfway house system, which was the subject of a series
of New York Times articles last month. The series focused on escapes and
dangerous conditions inside the houses. The articles highlighted the
connection between Community Education Centers – which operates six halfway
houses in New Jersey – and Governor Christie. The company’s senior vice
president is William J. Palatucci, Christie’s longtime friend and adviser.
Christie’s office called the Times report “misleading,” but the governor also
promised increased investigations into the privately run halfway houses. He
later line-item vetoed a measure passed by the Legislature that would have
required quarterly reports detailing halfway houses’ operations. Christie
argued the reports need not be so frequent. The Kintock
Group — another company that offers what it describes as “community
corrections services” – has also been invited to make an appearance at
tomorrow’s hearing. Its President and CEO, Diane DeBarri,
is on the Senate committee’s witness list. The Kintock
Group operates five centers in New Jersey. Other witnesses expected to
testify include Thaddeus Caldwell, a former senior corrections investigator,
and Derrick Watkins, the former deputy director of treatment at Albert M.
“Bo” Robinson Assessment and Treatment Center. The Bo Robinson Center,
operated by Community Education Centers, was one of the halfway houses at the
center of The Times’ investigative series.
June 26, 2012 The Record
Governor Christie now faces two new chances to approve stronger state
oversight of private halfway houses in addition to the promises he made for
better monitoring following reports of escapes and abuse. Delaney Hall, a
halfway house in Newark. The Legislature passed the two separate measures
Monday, including one bill that had been dormant since 2004, giving Christie
the power to approve or veto the pair of checks on private corrections
contractors. Both the Senate and Assembly passed a bill that would require a
full audit of the cost, delivery and procurement of any contract with the
state Department of Corrections over $100,000. And both houses also passed a
state budget bill that includes two paragraphs that mandate quarterly reports
to the Legislature. Any private firm that runs a halfway house detention
center would have to detail the number of inmates, number of escapes and
steps taken to prevent inmates and parolees from slipping security. Christie
promised action to better monitor halfway houses following this month's
revelations about high numbers of escapees, some of whom fled and committed
further crimes. Offenders deemed non-violent have been routinely assigned to
halfway houses in recent years as an alternative to state-run prisons. The New
York Times last week detailed reports of failures in halfway-house oversight,
as well as allegations of abuse of inmates. Neither of the two reforms
proposed by Democrats received a single Republican vote in either the Senate
or Assembly. And there was no discussion in the lengthy debate on the budget
about the requirement for reports from contractors, language written into the
bill by Democrats. "It didn't even get a mention, with everything else
going on," said Sen. Linda Greenstein, a Democrat representing Middlesex
County, after she and fellow Senate Democrats overrode Republican opposition
and approved the budget bill along party lines, 24 to 16. The 2004 proposal
by Sen. Jeff Van Drew, D-Cape May, that requires the State Auditor review all
private contracts with the Corrections Department, also passed along party
lines in both houses. Christie has already signaled he will likely use his
veto pen on the massive budget proposal – which includes several items at
odds with the governor including a tax-credit plan and not his call for a
direct income tax cut. The Governor's Office would not comment Monday on
whether Christie would consider a veto of the Van Drew proposal. "I
would hope he would not," Van Drew said, insisting he had not planned to
push the issue as a way to embarrass the governor. Van Drew said he
originally introduced the idea of an audit in 2004, at a time when a number
of privatized corrections facilities were opening in his legislative district
in Cape May and Cumberland counties. The New York Times reported on June 17
that more than 5,100 inmates had escaped from private facilities since 2005.
One of the firms now operating many halfway houses statewide, Community
Education Centers, employs a close Christie ally, William Palatucci, as senior
vice president and general counsel for public affairs. On the heels of the
escapee reports, Van Drew's bill, with Senate President Stephen Sweeney,
D-Gloucester, as a co-sponsor, received swift committee hearings last week.
Republicans in committee did not directly address the merits of examining
corrections contracts, but focused their opposition on why demanding an audit
from the independent auditor might slant the process.
December 21, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Immigrant advocates released a report Tuesday detailing what they describe as
campaign contributions and hidden political ties behind the nonprofit group
that subcontracts services for Delaney Hall, a private detention facility in
Newark. The 19-page report comes almost a week after the Essex County freeholders
awarded a lucrative immigrant-detention contract to the group, Education and
Health Centers of America. Immigration advocates include in the report what
they describe as "crony connections and a system of elected and
un-elected political bosses in Essex County which limit transparency and
oversight" surrounding the detention center. The report says Education
and Health Centers and the for-profit Community Education Centers have been
"skirting" pay-to-play laws and campaign-disclosure requirements
through a "shell game." Education and Health Centers subcontracts
private correctional services to Community Education Centers. Officials,
however, criticized the report. Essex County Executive Joseph DiVincenzo
issued a statement calling the county’s immigrant-detention contract a
"creative revenue generator with the potential to create $250 million
over five years." He added the report was an attempt to
"discredit" the county’s contract with the federal Immigration and
Customs Enforcement. Education and Health Centers spokesman Eric Shuffler
said the report was "put out by groups with their own political agenda
and it’s filled with mistakes, contradictions and unsubstantiated
innuendo." He declined to go into detail about specific inaccuracies.
The report lists more than $150,000 in campaign contributions to Essex County
politicians by Community Education Centers and its CEO, John Clancy, a former
county youth-services official who has donated to both state and county
politicians. Clancy also heads Education and Health Centers but the two
groups are legally separate entities, according to officials of both groups.
Two groups authored the report — the New Jersey Advocates For Immigrant
Detainees, and Enlace, a West Coast agency composed of community groups and
unions that oppose for-profit correctional facilities. The former group is a
broad-based coalition of 20 community, faith-based and advocacy agencies.
According to the report, DiVincenzo received donations from Community
Education Centers for years, beginning in 1999 with an $1,800 donation from
Community Corrections Corp., the group’s former name. Since then, Community
Education Centers and Clancy have donated to DiVincenzo, the Essex County
Democratic Committee and at least three freeholders, among other elected
officials, the report said. On Dec. 14, county freeholders gave Education and
Health Centers a multimillion-dollar contract to house up to 450 immigrant
detainees in Delaney Hall, a correctional facility on Doremus
Avenue in Newark that is run by Community Education Centers. Immigrant
advocate Karina Wilkinson said the contract "violates the spirit of
pay-to-play." At the county level, the laws regulating pay-to-play only
apply to no-bid contracts. Last week’s contract was open to bids, but only Education
and Health Centers was the sole bidder. Tuesday's report cited similar
concerns the state comptroller’s office raised about Education and Health
Centers in June. The comptroller recommended the state Attorney General’s
Office review the arrangement. The Attorney General’s Office did not return a
call for comment Tuesday. Since 1994, Education and Health Centers and
Community Education Centers have had an arrangement with the state that
allows the nonprofit entity to subcontract nearly all its work to the
for-profit one. Under state law, only nonprofit groups can be awarded
contracts for private correctional services. The two companies’ arrangement
with the state was in place years before the 2004 pay-to-play laws were
enacted, said William Palatucci, senior vice president and general counsel
for public affairs at Community Education Centers. Palatucci is also a close
friend of Gov. Chris Christie’s. "Nobody could anticipate trying to
skirt anything," Palatucci said.
October 11, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County is preparing to rebid a contract for a deal with the federal
government worth roughly a quarter-billion dollars to Essex County to house
immigration detainees after it tossed out the previous sole bidder, a
politically connected company. The first bidding process was ended after a
letter from U.S. Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) questioned the fairness of
the process. In July, Lautenberg wrote to Immigration and Customs Enforcement
Director John Morton citing concerns the county’s bidding process "may
not be entirely fair, open and transparent." The letter came after the
sole applicant, Education and Health Centers of America, landed the job. In a
responding letter, obtained Monday by The Star-Ledger, ICE officials said
they received assurance from Essex the bidding process to find a vendor for
the lucrative contract to house detainees in the county was "conducted
in a fair and reasonable manner." However, the federal agency also notes
"ICE does not have the authority to review or enforce procurement laws
or regulations at the state and local level," states the Aug. 4 letter.
The county later threw out the controversial bid to house detainees in
Delaney Hall in Newark and is now expected to advertise an overhauled
proposal. The contract is expected to be worth $50 million annually for five
years. This second round could differ significantly because Essex will be
simultaneously seeking vendors to house two different groups: ICE detainees
awaiting hearings or deportation, and county inmates receiving drug and
alcohol treatment. A county spokesman said the new bid is being finalized and
declined to say when exactly it would be open to bidders. Essex County
Executive Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr. said during a freeholder meeting last week
the county is "ready to go out to bid very shortly." Top officials
at both the nonprofit EHCA and Community Education Centers, the for-profit
company it contracts with, have made campaign contributions to DiVincenzo or
are close allies of Gov. Chris Christie.
July 27, 2011 New York Times
Three weeks ago, Essex County, N.J., announced that it was seeking a company
to run a 450-bed immigrant detention center, hoping to take advantage of a
federally financed initiative to set up such facilities with better
supervision and medical care. The county said the contracting process was
open to any company. But behind the scenes, it appears that officials have a
clear favorite: Community Education Centers, which has a checkered record in
immigrant detention but counts one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest
confidants as a senior vice president. The company’s executives are also
political backers of the county executive, Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr., a
prominent ally of Mr. Christie. The county’s bidding rules specified that
visitors to the detention center greet detainees “in the gymnasium” — a
requirement that seemed to point to an existing facility, Delaney Hall in
Newark, operated by Community Education Centers. Bidders were given 23 days
to submit applications, an unusually short deadline for a multimillion-dollar
contract. Community Education Centers itself seemed to act as if its
selection were a done deal. The deadline for bids is Thursday, but the
company posted advertisements on its Web site weeks ago to fill five jobs
working with immigrant detainees at the facility. And this week, federal
immigration officials and Community Education staff members gave tours of
Delaney Hall to advocates for immigrants, telling them that it would probably
be the new facility. The advocates were not shown other sites. Questioned
about the selection process, Essex officials said the bidding was fair and
open to any company. A spokesman for Mr. Christie said the governor’s office
had no involvement in the contract. Federal and local officials have not
indicated the size of the contract for the winning bidder, but it appears the
total could amount to $8 million to $10 million annually. Government at all
levels has pushed to privatize prisons and detention centers in recent
decades, trying to save money and improve services. The federal government,
which has been apprehending a growing number of immigrants, plans to use
private companies to help overhaul a detention system that includes a
patchwork of facilities. But privatized prisons and detention centers have at
times became ensnared in scandals over mistreatment of their charges. In
fact, Community Education Centers, based in West Caldwell, N.J., was
seriously penalized in 2008 under an earlier contract to house immigrants at
Delaney Hall. After an immigrant escaped, officials responded by removing the
remaining 120 detainees from the company’s supervision and placing them in a
public jail. Immigrant detention centers typically house immigrants, both
legal and illegal, who are facing deportation because of visa violations or
criminal convictions. With a shortage of beds in the Northeast, the federal
Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency announced plans last year to house
hundreds of detainees in Essex County. Officials said the detainees would
have better access to lawyers and consulates, enabling the authorities to
curb the transfer of detainees to distant places like Texas. Community
Education’s senior vice president is William J. Palatucci, Mr. Christie’s
political mentor and former law partner, and one of the state’s well-known
Republican strategists. Mr. Palatucci was a major fund-raiser for George W.
Bush’s 2000 presidential campaign, and recommended to the Bush administration
that it nominate Mr. Christie for United States attorney for New Jersey, a job
he held from 2002 to 2009. Community Education and its executives are major
supporters of Mr. DiVincenzo, one of the most powerful politicians in North
Jersey. Community Education employees, including senior executives and
several of their family members, have donated a total of $30,600 to Mr.
DiVincenzo’s campaigns since 2006, according to disclosure records. Mr.
DiVincenzo, the county executive since 2002, is also influential in Trenton.
Though he is a Democrat, he has developed a close relationship with Mr.
Christie, a Republican, who swore him in for his third term. Mr. DiVincenzo
has said he agrees with 95 percent of what the governor is doing, and has
broken ranks with his party to support Mr. Christie’s efforts to curb the pay
and benefits of public employees. Mr. Christie’s press secretary, Michael Drewniak, said, “There is no basis whatsoever to bring
the governor into this and doing so sounds like a total stretch.” Essex
County’s counsel, James R. Paganelli, said neither
Community Education nor any other company had the inside track for the
contract. “We have a public bid looking for anybody who thinks they can
provide these services,” Mr. Paganelli said. “I
hope that this bid is as competitive as we can make it.” Mr. Paganelli said he expected as many as 30 companies to
express interest, and he declined to speak about any bidder in particular. A
Community Education spokesman, Christopher Greeder,
said any claim that the company had “received favored status from Essex
County is unfounded.” Mr. Greeder said Delaney Hall
was fully accredited and had housed more than 80,000 individuals since its
opening in 2000. Asked why the company had advertised for jobs at the
detention center before it knew whether it had won the contract, he said: “As
a private company, we often advertise for positions in advance of any
contract award. We want to be prepared.” He added that there was no
connection between campaign contributions given by company executives and
government contracts. For their part, federal officials said they were
already making plans to send immigrants to Delaney Hall because Essex
specifically mentioned it in its proposal to the federal government. They
were not aware that the county was considering other facilities, said Gillian
M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the immigration agency. Immigrant advocates
called the contracting process severely flawed. Amy Gottlieb, director of the
Immigrant Rights Program at the American Friends Service Committee, said,
“The idea that a company can advertise a job before they have the contract is
offensive, because the stakes are so high.” Although the details are still
being made final, Immigration and Customs Enforcement plans to assign 800
immigrants to the Essex jail, which currently holds about 500, and plans to
place an additional 450 detainees in Delaney Hall, which is nearby, Ms.
Christensen said. To solicit bids, Essex County advertised in The Star-Ledger
of Newark and posted the requirements on a county Web site, following
standard procedure, according to Mr. Paganelli, the
county counsel. He said county officials did not actively solicit companies
to bid. By comparison, the New York State Office of General Services said
that when the state issued contracts for specialized services, it advertised
in multiple publications, posted the requirements online and contacted
competing firms that perform similar services.
June 16, 2011 NJ 101.5
State Comptroller Matt Boxer is questioning the State Department of
Corrections (DOC) about the state's largest halfway house provider, Education
and Health Centers of America, Inc. (EHCA), because of its subcontracting
arrangement with a for-profit company, Community Education Centers, Inc.
(CEC). Under state law, only non-profits can provide halfway house services.
Boxer says EHCA pays CEC the entire contracted per diem rates. Of $400
million the state has paid EHCA since 1997, EHCA has paid CEC approximately
$390 million to provide "all the services" under EHCA's public
contracts, including the "operation, support services management and
maintenance" of the facilities. "One of the issues that we found is
that there are questions about the eligibility of one of those halfway houses
to be a part of this program," explains Boxer. "We sent a letter to
the Department of Corrections suggesting that on this issue they seek formal
legal advice from the (State) Attorney General's Office and they've agreed to
do that." Bill Palatucci is one of Governor Chris Christie's closest
allies. He's a senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs
at CEC and the director of development at EHCA. He says CEC has had no new
contracts since 1998. "We're still operating under the same agreement
that was approved by Attorney General back then, so we're a bit puzzled by
the report," says Palatucci. "We'll take a look and talk to the
Department of Corrections about it."
August 11, 2010 The Review
A lawsuit filed against the private operator of the Columbiana County Jail
and the county commissioners has been dismissed, but remains against inmates
who assaulted another inmate. Jeffrey Woodburn of Lisbon, formerly of
Wellsville, filed the complaint in July 2009 over a July 2008 attack which
occurred after he refused to bring tobacco and drugs to the other inmates
when he returned to the lockup from work release. A recent judgment entry
said the complaint was settled and dismissed against Community Education
Centers Inc. and CiviGenics Texas, along with the
county board of commissioners, only, at the defendant's costs. The entry
didn't note the terms of the settlement. The case apparently remains against
the inmates who were named as defendants in the lawsuit, including Aaron Holt
of East Liverpool, David Crow of Wellsville and Derrick Howard of Youngstown.
The claims against the jail operator and commissioners included alleged
negligence and a security breach which Woodburn alleged led to the attack. The
lawsuit said Woodburn reported the threats to jail personnel who placed him
in protective custody in his own cell in a separate section of the jail. The
document said security measures were breached on July 23, 2008 when Holt,
Crow, Howard and possibly a fourth inmate were able to enter Woodburn's cell
and beat him, requiring hospitalization.
July 8, 2010 The Star-Ledger
In a move certain to only increase speculation about Gov. Chris Christie’s
political future beyond New Jersey, the Republican State Committee tonight
elected Bill Palatucci, a close Christie friend, advisor and former law
partner, as the state’s new male representative on the Republican National
Committee. Palatucci, 52, replaces David Norcross, a former Republican State
Committee chairman and 1976 U.S. Senate candidate who was elected
committeeman in 1992. “I think in a small way I can just be the eyes and
ears, not only for (Christie) but for the state party. Secondly, it’s nice to
be able to be proud for New Jersey again and help export the ideas that are
proving so successful right now in New Jersey down to the national scene,”
said Palatucci. Palatucci denied speculation that Norcross, whose term does
not end until 2012, was pressured to resign by Christie to make way for a
close ally. “I think that’s unfair to David. David has been very clear that
he was in his last term and he was always looking for the right time to step
aside,” he said. Twenty-three of the state’s 42 Republican committee members
showed up at the meeting at the Princeton Hyatt to vote for Palatucci by
affirmation. Nobody else ran for the position and Norcross did not attend the
meeting. Amanda Brown/The Star-LedgerDavid
Norcross, in this 2004 file photo. Palatucci is senior vice president and
general counsel for Community Education Centers in West Caldwell, which
operates halfway houses for the reintegration of former prison inmates.
May 14, 2010 KXXV
McLennan County's new Jack Harwell detention facility was completed in
February of this year, but now its 816 beds remain empty. The solution is to
transfer the entire population of the downtown jail to the brand new
facilities on Highway 6. The move is aimed to attract more outside contracts
to send inmates to the Harwell facility, and at the same time begin
generating revenue from the new jail in order to begin paying back the $49
million in bonds it cost to build. But it also means losing revenue generated
by the downtown jail; revenue which goes to the county's general fund, and belongs to the taxpayers. Ken Witt, president of
the McLennan County Sheriff's Office Association, says the action doesn't do
anything to create new revenue. "It's not going to matter whether you
transfer the downtown out there or just pay it straight. It's going to be the
money that was originally already generated and it's not going to be new
money," Witt said. Community Education Centers, the company charged with
managing the jail, has agreed to pay the county $40,000 a month to mitigate
the nearly $60,000 in revenue the downtown jail was earning. But some, like
TEA Party member Marie McClellan, are afraid the agreement is too complex for
taxpayers to understand. "This is our money. I'm not certain who
authorized this and where this is going. Is this a business venture? Are the
taxpayers on the hook for this? If they can't find the population who pays
for this, eventually?," McClellan said. The
Harwell unit will have until December to reach 90 percent occupancy, about
734 inmates, before the downtown jail can be reopened and begin generating
revenue once more. But what happens if the beds still aren't filled? Precinct
One commissioner Kelly Snell, who voted against the action, says it's time
for a Plan B. "Not only have we spent $49 million, but now we're getting
less money than we projected to get to start with. Now we really need to get
an exit plan, because like I said today, what happens if this don't work?," Snell said. McLennan County Judge Jim Lewis
told News Channel 25 by phone that Harris county and a dozen other entities
have already pledged to send inmates to the new jail, and he hopes to have
both jails full and making money within a few months.
April 23, 2010 Waco Tribune-Herald
The new jail on State Highway 6 has an impressively low detention population:
zero. The 816-bed Jack Harwell Detention Center officially was completed in
February. But Community Education Centers, the New Jersey-based detention
company under contract to manage and operate the jail, has been unable to
secure agreements with state and federal agencies to house inmates.
Meanwhile, CEC must begin repaying the $49 million in project revenue bonds
that financed the construction of the jail. The $313,000 monthly debt service
is to be paid using revenue from housing inmates, placing the company under a
crunch to fill beds. While funds already have been set aside for the first
payment of $1.9 million due in June, CEC must begin making revenue soon or
risk defaulting on the bonds. Doing so would mean the county loses the new
jail. CEC wants some relief from the county to cover the financial
obligation, but some commissioners say getting involved could end up costing
taxpayers. County Judge Jim Lewis, Commissioner Ray Meadows and former
Commissioner Wendall Crunk voted for the
construction of the new jail. Commissioners Lester Gibson and Joe Mashek voted against it. Fewer inmates -- Feasibility
studies conducted in 2008 showed the county would need 1,296 beds by the end
of this year, slightly above the combined 1,260 capacity between the McLennan
County Jail and the downtown jail. While the county faced severe overcrowding
in 2008, there were only 860 inmates in the county jail Thursday afternoon,
with 20 inmates at the CEC-run downtown jail. Peter Argeropulos,
CEC senior vice president, reported the dilemma to the McLennan County
Commissioners Court on Thursday. CEC began reaching out to agencies in the
fall only to find that few prison facilities were housing inmates outside
their facilities. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, for example, scrapped
plans for a new fugitive apprehension unit in Waco. The Texas Department of
Criminal Justice began pulling its inmates from private detention centers in
August. “What we expected and what the studies had indicated have not
materialized at this point,” Argeropulos said.
Solutions debated -- One option Argeropulos
suggested was to close down the 329-bed downtown jail and transfer the staff
and inmates to the Jack Harwell Detention Center. The move would help CEC pay
debt service but also cause the county to lose as much as $400,000 from the
operation of the downtown jail. “Your plan’s not working, and it’s not
working because you can’t get the prisoners, so you’re coming to the court
wanting concessions that are going to cost the taxpayers money,” Commissioner
Kelly Snell said. “That’s where I have a problem.” CEC Warden Mike Wilson,
who oversees the downtown jail and would head the new jail, said moving the
inmates would help address safety concerns at the facility. “All of a sudden,
once you get a new car, that old car you got isn’t worth driving anymore,
that’s the bottom line,” Snell said. Argeropulos
also asked the court to temporarily waive an administrative fee of $2 per
inmate per day CEC is to pay to the county until revenue exceeds operation
costs. “I don’t see why the county has to be asked to bend over and do all
the compromise,” Gibson said. “I think that some of the burden should be upon
your side to do what you can to ease the burden.” Another option Argeropulos raised is to sign an interlocal agreement
with Harris County, which is battling serious overcrowding issues. Harris
County has transferred about 650 inmates to Newton County, with another 450
housed in Bowie County and 200 in Louisiana. CEC had a six-month agreement to
house 320 Harris County inmates that expired in February. But CEC did not get
any inmates during that period. Argeropulos said
Harris County was willing to pay only $45 per person per day to house inmates
at the Jack Harwell Detention Center, lower than the $54.50 rate CEC
originally expected. “Right now, it’s a buyers’ market,” Argeropulos
said. “As beds become vacant, people can become a little more
picky in terms of who they want to negotiate with and what’s the best
rate they can get.” Argeropulos said CEC intends to
apply for a bid to house federal inmates. The Federal Bureau of Prisons is
expecting to need up to 3,000 beds later this year, a proposal that may
likely net higher housing revenue, he said. “It’s not a new revelation, it’s
been in newspapers nationwide that facilities are lacking prisoners,” Lewis
said. “It’s not an ideal situation, but anybody who’s been in this business
knows that there’s ups and downs on it. . . . The
population will go up not only here but nationwide. The industry just keeps
on growing.” Long-term outlook -- Still, Argeropulos
said CEC would not open the jail until it had secured enough inmates to
sufficiently cover the debt service and operational costs. The bond package
includes a $4 million reserve fund that will cover about a year of payments.
However, that fund can only be accessed if there are no inmates in the
facility, Argeropulos said. CEC exercised an escape
clause last month to pull out of managing Johnson County jails with one more
year to go on a three-year contract. Argeropulos
said Johnson County’s jail population had dropped by 25 percent, causing CEC
to lose money. Herbert Bristow, attorney for the county, said if CEC
defaulted on repaying the bonds, the county would not be liable to make
payments. The McLennan County Public Facility Corp., a seven-member board
including the commissioners court, issued the bonds in 2009. “It was done by
design to insulate the county,” Bristow said. “But the end result is if it’s
a doomsday deal, and we can’t find any prisoners to put in it . . . the
bondholders have the right to take the property back and get whatever value
there is in it.” Argeropulos said he would bring
the court a formal proposal for action later this month. Mashek
said the discussion reinforced the concerns he expressed in 2008 when he
voted against the new jail. “It looks like they’re trying to cover up
problems they’re having and wanting the county to bail them out, and I’m not
in a position to bail anybody out, especially CEC,” Mashek
said.
March 6, 2010 Philadelphia Enquirer
Saying it is owed $7.3 million, Aramark Corp., the Philadelphia food-services
provider, has sued a New Jersey operator of correctional facilities. In the
suit, Aramark contends Community Education Centers Inc., of West Caldwell,
N.J., has been in default on bills since at least June 2008. Locally, Aramark
services Community Education Centers facilities in Philadelphia, Delaware
County, Reading, and Trenton. Aramark's lawsuit, filed Feb. 18 in U.S.
District Court in Philadelphia, said Community Education Centers was overdue
on $5.2 million of the total, and it requested that a judgment, including
interest, costs, and attorney's fees, be entered in its favor. In an e-mailed
statement yesterday, Community Education Centers said it "does not
comment on pending litigation except to say that the two companies are in
negotiations regarding the matter." Community Education Centers is one
of a number of companies considered likely to bid on a prison privatization
contract in Camden County. Last year, a unit of the company bought options on
land in Camden as a potential site for a new prison, but the site has been
ruled out by county freeholders because of neighborhood protests. The
privately held company, which operates in 19 states, employs 4,500 and
services nearly 30,000 individuals, did not comment specifically on the
proposed privatization of Camden County's prison system. Among Community
Education Centers' investors is Philadelphia private-equity firm LLR
Partners. The firm's investment fund, LLR Equity Partners II L.P., in 2007
bought $53 million worth of preferred stock, according to a regulatory
filing. LLR cofounder Seth Lehr, who is on Community Education Centers' board
of directors, said the firm does not comment on companies in its portfolio.
June 21, 2009 The Star-Ledger
John Lynch, a former New Jersey state Senate president, was recently released
to a halfway house after serving a jail term. Republican gubernatorial
candidate Chris Christie is constantly boasting of his success in locking up
crooked pols when he was U.S. attorney. And for him, Exhibit A is former
Senate president John Lynch. The Middlesex County Democratic boss pleaded
guilty to corruption charges and went to federal prison under Christie's
watch. Lynch was released last week and transferred to a Newark halfway house
to begin his return to society. But in his new housing assignment, The
Auditor noticed something fascinating: The disgraced former senator is being
housed at Logan Hall, a facility owned and operated by Community Education
Centers, where Bill Palatucci, Christie's top fund-raiser and political
consigliere, is a key executive. "It is kind of ironic, I guess,"
said Palatucci, CEC's senior vice president and general counsel. "There
is one and only federal halfway house in New Jersey. And the U.S. Attorney's
Office has no role in deciding where an inmate goes. But there are not a lot
of options. It was unavoidable, I guess." Palatucci said CEC is pulling
down $68 a day from the feds to cover Lynch's housing costs.more training and treatment programs for
inmates. About 70 percent of those released from prison return within three
years, according to some studies. “There’s a tremendous focus on the re-entry
of inmates,” said John J. Clancy, chief executive of Community Education
Centers. “If people are going to continue to get out of prison, the question
is how they get out.” The two privately held companies, which together are
expected to employ about 3,500 people in 22 states and have close to $240
million in revenue next year, did not disclose the financial terms of the
agreement. However, people with knowledge of the transaction said Community
Education Centers paid more than $100 million for CiviGenics.
Cumberland County Jail
Corizon, New Jersey
Oct 8, 2016 nj.com
4th lawsuit filed against Cumberland County Jail over inmate hanging death
BRIDGETON — A fourth lawsuit has been filed against the Cumberland County
Jail over someone who died while imprisoned. The federal lawsuit, filed on
Oct. 5, involved the June 3 death of Jon Watson, who was found hanging in his
jail cell. Watson's was the fourth death that has occurred in the Cumberland
County Jail since 2014. The suit seeks a judgment exceeding $1 million. The
lawsuit alleges that the Cumberland County Jail failed to properly monitor
Watson or screen him for suicidal tendencies. Also named in the lawsuit is
Corizon Health, the health care provider for the jail. "I am hoping that
through our efforts, there will be a review of the circumstances surrounding
Jon's death and an immediate investigating into the warden and the procedures
that are in place," said Helen Lloyd, Watson's fiancé, in a statement
released by Philadelphia-based attorney Conrad Benedetto. Watson, 43, of
Bridgeton, was being held in Cumberland County Jail on charges of eluding
police, resisting arrest and driving while suspended. On June 3, he was just
returned to his cell after appearing in Cumberland County Superior Court and
then found unresponsive in his cell around noon. He was pronounced dead at
12:30 p.m. According to Ted Baker, Cumberland County solicitor, Watson was on
suicide watch while incarcerated but was taken off of suicide watch by
medical staff. "We relied on our medical professionals who made a
medical judgment that he was OK and didn't pose a threat to himself so he was
returned to the general population," Baker said Cumberland County
officials arrested 21 people in an investigation into a drug and gun
trafficking ring. Benedetto's office represents three other families in
separate lawsuits against the Cumberland County Jail. David Hennis, 31, of Vineland, was arrested on July 22, 2014,
for violating a court order, aggravated assault and weapons charges. He was
taken to the jail infirmary after banging his head against his cell door and
then later found hanging in the infirmary holding cell. Alissa Allen, 24, of
Millville, was arrested on March 22, 2015, after a traffic stop for an
outstanding warrant, drug possession and for not wearing a seatbelt. She was
held in the jail in lieu of $728 bail and was found the next morning hanging
in her cell. Robert Lewis was arrested on Oct. 26, 2015, for robbery and was
found a few days later hanging in the showers at the jail.
May 21, 2007 New York
Times
A company based in New Jersey that provides training and treatment programs
to prison inmates is announcing today that it has bought a similar
Massachusetts company, creating one of the largest correctional services
companies in the country. The two companies — Community Education Centers of
Roseland, N.J., and CiviGenics of Marlborough,
Mass. — are trying to capitalize on the growing number of inmates and tight
financing for new prisons that have led federal, state and local governments
to contract out more of their operations to private businesses. States have
also addressed the shortage of prison space by trying to reduce recidivism
with
Delaney Hall
Essex County, New Jersey
Community Education Centers
Essex
County immigrant detention center a house of controversy: Chris Megerian, The Star-Ledger. Despite the barbed wire
snaking across the top of its perimeter fence, Delaney Hall is not a
traditional lock-up.
Mar
4, 2022 nj.com
N.J. jail inmate died after being hit in the head during fight, his family
says
An Essex County inmate died on Feb. 22 while he was in custody at a
privately-run jail annex, according to the Essex County Prosecutor's Office,
which is investigating the death. The inmate was Garrison Bryant, 33, who
pleaded guilty in January to a charge of aggravated assault on a law
enforcement officer, the Prosecutor's Office said. He was to be sentenced
later this month. Bryant's death is the third time since September that an
inmate has died or been seriously injured while in county custody. Jayshawn Boyd, 22, was beaten with a microwave by other
inmates in September, leaving him in a coma. And Dan Gelin,
a 27-year-old pretrial detainee, died at the jail in December. A union
official said he was stabbed and returned to his cell rather than to a
hospital, and the Attorney General in investigating. Neither the Prosecutor's
Office nor Essex County officials had previously announced Bryant's death,
but they confirmed it to NJ Advance Media. Brooke Barnett, a Newark attorney
hired by Bryant's family after he died, said Bryant was in a fight on or
about Feb. 20, during which he was struck in the head from behind by a
broomstick. He spoke to his mother by phone, and he complained of head pain
and jumbled his words, the attorney said. Bryant also sought medical
attention from the facility's staff and received medication for his head
pain, Barnett said. Inmates later found Bryant unconscious, and he was taken
by ambulance to University Hospital, where he was pronounced dead, she said.
Barnett said the family is contemplating a lawsuit. The Northern Regional
Medical Examiner's Office conducted an autopsy, but the official cause of
death was not yet available. Barnett said she hopes to have a second autopsy
conducted by a private forensic pathologist. A father of two, Bryant was
housed in Delaney Hall, a private facility adjacent to the jail owned by
private prison company The GEO Group, which did not respond to a request for
comment. The facility provides care to Essex County's lower-level inmates and
focuses on substance abuse rehabilitation and other things to help reduce
recidivism, said Essex County Chief of Staff Phil Alagia.
The facility does not use Essex County corrections officers, but county jail
officials conduct walk-throughs of the facility, Alagia
said. On Thursday, Delaney Hall housed about 250 Essex County inmates. The
recent incidents prompted a review of the operating procedures at the Essex
County jail, including security, staffing and employee responsibilities. The
review is being led by retired Newark Public Safety Director Anthony Ambrose.
Reached Thursday, he said he could not comment on Bryant's death and would
not be reviewing it until after the Prosecutor's Office has concluded its
investigation. He estimated his report on the jail will complete in about
three months.
Oct 7, 2016 nj.com
122 workers at immigration detention facility get $4.8M settlement
NEWARK — Essex County and one of the companies it hired to run an
immigration detention facility in Newark will pay 122 employees $4.8 million
in back wages and benefits — a pricey settlement that sources say put an end
to an ICE detention program that brought revenue into the county. According
to a release from the U.S. Department of Labor's Wage and Hour Division, the
county and Community Education Center, Inc. – a company it contracted with to
provide re-entry and in-detention treatment services at Delaney Hall in
Newark – were paying the facility's employees lower wages than is lawfully
required. The $4.8 million payout is a settlement reached between the county,
CEC, and the Department of Labor after the federal agency sued the two
employers to recoup the discrepancy in wages. According to the Department of
Labor, the county and company categorized 122 of the "detention
officers" monitoring immigrant detainees as "operations
counselors." The former job title is required to receive $30.97 per
hour. The counselors were making $11.29 an hour, the announcement said. The
two also failed to pay fringe benefits and proper overtime, the Department of
Labor said. Civil libertarians question whether the center unfairly punishes
immigrants guilty of civil, not criminal, violations But, county sources say
the payout and increase in wages prompted the end of the program in Essex,
which was designed with federal ICE officials to house non or low-level
criminal immigrant detainees in a non-jail setting. Though the county still
houses higher level criminal immigrant detainees at its jail, those who were
housed at Delaney have been moved to other locations across the country, a
source familiar with the settlement said. Those who were employed at the
facility either lost their jobs or were transferred, the source said. Still,
the Department of Labor said the deal was a win for the affected employees.
"Enforcement of the prevailing wage laws levels the playing field for
all contractors and protects the wages of hard-working, middle-class American
workers," said David Weil, administrator of the Wage and Hour Division.
"The Wage and Hour Division will remain vigilant in its enforcement to
ensure employees are paid in accordance with prevailing wage laws."
According to a statement from the Community Education Center, the company
felt that the employees worked under a collective bargaining agreement and
did not have the duties or skill sets of "detention officers." The
settlement admits no wrongdoing on the company's part, and asserts that the
original job classifications were made in good faith, the statement said.
"We are pleased to have reached this agreement, which resolves the
matter to the satisfaction of all (involved) parties," said James E.
Hyman, Chief Executive Officer of CEC. In a statement to NJ Advance Media,
Essex County Executive Joseph DiVincenzo, Jr. echoed the company's
reaction, saying the county is "pleased that all the parties involved
were able to reach an amicable resolution."
August 21, 2012 AP
The New Jersey State Policemen's Benevolent Association has filed a lawsuit
that seeks to end a contract between Essex County and a private company that
operates halfway houses. The suit filed Monday alleges that Delaney Hall, a
Newark facility operated by Education Health Centers of America, is jeopardizing
public safety. It also questions the nonprofit status of the firm, which has
a sub-contracting arrangement with the for-profit Community Education
Centers. The suit alleges that Essex County moves inmates to a lower-security
facility run by EHCA in order to use its county jail space for a more
lucrative federal detainee contract. After-hours messages left for EHCA and
CEC officials on Tuesday night were not returned.
June 26, 2012 The Record
Governor Christie now faces two new chances to approve stronger state
oversight of private halfway houses in addition to the promises he made for
better monitoring following reports of escapes and abuse. Delaney Hall, a
halfway house in Newark. The Legislature passed the two separate measures
Monday, including one bill that had been dormant since 2004, giving Christie
the power to approve or veto the pair of checks on private corrections
contractors. Both the Senate and Assembly passed a bill that would require a
full audit of the cost, delivery and procurement of any contract with the
state Department of Corrections over $100,000. And both houses also passed a
state budget bill that includes two paragraphs that mandate quarterly reports
to the Legislature. Any private firm that runs a halfway house detention center
would have to detail the number of inmates, number of escapes and steps taken
to prevent inmates and parolees from slipping security. Christie promised
action to better monitor halfway houses following this month's revelations
about high numbers of escapees, some of whom fled and committed further
crimes. Offenders deemed non-violent have been routinely assigned to halfway
houses in recent years as an alternative to state-run prisons. The New York
Times last week detailed reports of failures in halfway-house oversight, as
well as allegations of abuse of inmates. Neither of the two reforms proposed
by Democrats received a single Republican vote in either the Senate or
Assembly. And there was no discussion in the lengthy debate on the budget
about the requirement for reports from contractors, language written into the
bill by Democrats. "It didn't even get a mention, with everything else
going on," said Sen. Linda Greenstein, a Democrat representing Middlesex
County, after she and fellow Senate Democrats overrode Republican opposition
and approved the budget bill along party lines, 24 to 16. The 2004 proposal
by Sen. Jeff Van Drew, D-Cape May, that requires the State Auditor review all
private contracts with the Corrections Department, also passed along party
lines in both houses. Christie has already signaled he will likely use his
veto pen on the massive budget proposal – which includes several items at
odds with the governor including a tax-credit plan and not his call for a
direct income tax cut. The Governor's Office would not comment Monday on
whether Christie would consider a veto of the Van Drew proposal. "I
would hope he would not," Van Drew said, insisting he had not planned to
push the issue as a way to embarrass the governor. Van Drew said he originally
introduced the idea of an audit in 2004, at a time when a number of
privatized corrections facilities were opening in his legislative district in
Cape May and Cumberland counties. The New York Times reported on June 17 that
more than 5,100 inmates had escaped from private facilities since 2005. One
of the firms now operating many halfway houses statewide, Community Education
Centers, employs a close Christie ally, William Palatucci, as senior vice
president and general counsel for public affairs. On the heels of the escapee
reports, Van Drew's bill, with Senate President Stephen Sweeney,
D-Gloucester, as a co-sponsor, received swift committee hearings last week.
Republicans in committee did not directly address the merits of examining
corrections contracts, but focused their opposition on why demanding an audit
from the independent auditor might slant the process.
December 22, 2011 Queens Chronicle
City Councilman Danny Dromm (D-Jackson Heights)
held a hearing on Tuesday to investigate the treatment of immigrants at
detention centers throughout the city, many of which are privately operated.
One, at 182-22 150 Ave. in Jamaica, run by Geo Group, a private company, has
been the subject of public debate since as early as 2004, when hunger strikes
occurred at the center. Five years later, two guards there were convicted of
covering up the beating of an inmate, according to Public Advocate Bill de
Blasio. Over a dozen people testified at the hearing, among them immigrants
detained at the facilities, immigration lawyers and immigration advocacy
groups. They alleged that a slew of abuses have occurred at the facilities,
including sexual abuse by guards, detainees being denied the right to access
their attorneys, lack of medical care and being detained for periods longer
than six months without being charged. “It’s absolutely unbelievable,” said
Forest Hills immigration attorney Naresh Gehi of
the amount of time his client, Taimur Hussain, has
been detained. Hussain, who lived with his family in Astoria before being
jailed nine months ago, moved to the country illegally in 1995. He is being
held in a facility called the Delancey Detention Center in New Jersey, Gehi said, and has no criminal record. “He has two
American children, they’re completely displaced,” Gehi
added. Many undocumented immigrants at these facilities have no criminal
record, according to Dromm. Some are asylum seekers
while others may have been caught during Immigration and Customs Enforcement
raids on workplaces, for example. “You have people who have not committed a
crime,” Dromm said, “but they’re being thrown into
prison-like conditions.” Dromm and de Blasio would
like tours of the facilities in New York. They would also like the Department
of Homeland Security, which Dromm said oversees the
centers, to make what goes on inside them more transparent. Both have called
on a Department of Justice investigation into the matter. “Geo has refused to
make any statements at all,” Dromm said. “We want
to know what they’re doing at that Jamaica facility.”
December 21, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Immigrant advocates released a report Tuesday detailing what they describe as
campaign contributions and hidden political ties behind the nonprofit group
that subcontracts services for Delaney Hall, a private detention facility in
Newark. The 19-page report comes almost a week after the Essex County
freeholders awarded a lucrative immigrant-detention contract to the group,
Education and Health Centers of America. Immigration advocates include in the
report what they describe as "crony connections and a system of elected
and un-elected political bosses in Essex County which limit transparency and
oversight" surrounding the detention center. The report says Education
and Health Centers and the for-profit Community Education Centers have been
"skirting" pay-to-play laws and campaign-disclosure requirements
through a "shell game." Education and Health Centers subcontracts
private correctional services to Community Education Centers. Officials,
however, criticized the report. Essex County Executive Joseph DiVincenzo
issued a statement calling the county’s immigrant-detention contract a
"creative revenue generator with the potential to create $250 million
over five years." He added the report was an attempt to "discredit"
the county’s contract with the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Education and Health Centers spokesman Eric Shuffler said the report was
"put out by groups with their own political agenda and it’s filled with
mistakes, contradictions and unsubstantiated innuendo." He declined to
go into detail about specific inaccuracies. The report lists more than
$150,000 in campaign contributions to Essex County politicians by Community
Education Centers and its CEO, John Clancy, a former county youth-services official
who has donated to both state and county politicians. Clancy also heads
Education and Health Centers but the two groups are legally separate
entities, according to officials of both groups. Two groups authored the
report — the New Jersey Advocates For Immigrant Detainees, and Enlace, a West
Coast agency composed of community groups and unions that oppose for-profit
correctional facilities. The former group is a broad-based coalition of 20
community, faith-based and advocacy agencies. According to the report,
DiVincenzo received donations from Community Education Centers for years,
beginning in 1999 with an $1,800 donation from Community Corrections Corp.,
the group’s former name. Since then, Community Education Centers and Clancy
have donated to DiVincenzo, the Essex County Democratic Committee and at
least three freeholders, among other elected officials, the report said. On
Dec. 14, county freeholders gave Education and Health Centers a
multimillion-dollar contract to house up to 450 immigrant detainees in
Delaney Hall, a correctional facility on Doremus
Avenue in Newark that is run by Community Education Centers. Immigrant
advocate Karina Wilkinson said the contract "violates the spirit of
pay-to-play." At the county level, the laws regulating pay-to-play only
apply to no-bid contracts. Last week’s contract was open to bids, but only
Education and Health Centers was the sole bidder. Tuesday's report cited
similar concerns the state comptroller’s office raised about Education and
Health Centers in June. The comptroller recommended the state Attorney
General’s Office review the arrangement. The Attorney General’s Office did
not return a call for comment Tuesday. Since 1994, Education and Health
Centers and Community Education Centers have had an arrangement with the
state that allows the nonprofit entity to subcontract nearly all its work to
the for-profit one. Under state law, only nonprofit groups can be awarded
contracts for private correctional services. The two companies’ arrangement
with the state was in place years before the 2004 pay-to-play laws were
enacted, said William Palatucci, senior vice president and general counsel
for public affairs at Community Education Centers. Palatucci is also a close
friend of Gov. Chris Christie’s. "Nobody could anticipate trying to
skirt anything," Palatucci said.
October 11, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County is preparing to rebid a contract for a deal with the federal
government worth roughly a quarter-billion dollars to Essex County to house
immigration detainees after it tossed out the previous sole bidder, a
politically connected company. The first bidding process was ended after a
letter from U.S. Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) questioned the fairness of
the process. In July, Lautenberg wrote to Immigration and Customs Enforcement
Director John Morton citing concerns the county’s bidding process "may
not be entirely fair, open and transparent." The letter came after the
sole applicant, Education and Health Centers of America, landed the job. In a
responding letter, obtained Monday by The Star-Ledger, ICE officials said
they received assurance from Essex the bidding process to find a vendor for
the lucrative contract to house detainees in the county was "conducted
in a fair and reasonable manner." However, the federal agency also notes
"ICE does not have the authority to review or enforce procurement laws
or regulations at the state and local level," states the Aug. 4 letter.
The county later threw out the controversial bid to house detainees in
Delaney Hall in Newark and is now expected to advertise an overhauled
proposal. The contract is expected to be worth $50 million annually for five
years. This second round could differ significantly because Essex will be
simultaneously seeking vendors to house two different groups: ICE detainees
awaiting hearings or deportation, and county inmates receiving drug and
alcohol treatment. A county spokesman said the new bid is being finalized and
declined to say when exactly it would be open to bidders. Essex County
Executive Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr. said during a freeholder meeting last week
the county is "ready to go out to bid very shortly." Top officials
at both the nonprofit EHCA and Community Education Centers, the for-profit
company it contracts with, have made campaign contributions to DiVincenzo or
are close allies of Gov. Chris Christie.
September 22, 2011
August 16, 2011 The Star-Ledger
The federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency is re-examining its
deal with Essex County to house 1,250 immigrant detainees after the county
announced it would throw out a controversial bid to hold them in a private
facility run by a politically-connected firm. Days after signing a five-year
contract with ICE, county officials said today they will seek another round
of bids from vendors after only receiving one application for the project
from Education and Health Centers of America, a nonprofit with ties to both
Essex County Executive Joseph DiVincenzo Jr. and Gov. Chris Christie. Essex
County officials said they now hope to secure a vendor by January. In the
wake of the county’s announcement this afternoon, the immigration agency said
it had not been informed of the change and released a terse statement.
"ICE may need to renegotiate or modify the terms of our current
(agreement) with the county," said spokeswoman Gillian Christensen. But
county officials tried to downplay the change. "The public bid we issued
for a vendor to house immigration detainees in a private facility was
canceled, because Essex can save $600,000 by using an existing
contract," DiVincenzo said in a written statement. In response to ICE’s
plan to re-evaluate the deal, DiVincenzo said there must be some confusion,
and he would contact the agency in the morning. "We already have a
contract (with ICE). … I don’t know where they’re coming from," he said
last night. For about five years, the county has had a contract with Delaney
Hall, a private correctional facility on Doremus
Avenue in Newark run by the for-profit Community Education Centers. Now the
county will house immigrant detainees there under the existing contract,
which ends Dec. 31. CEC contracts with the nonprofit Education and Health
Centers of America, which in July put in a bid to house 450 ICE detainees at
the facility. County officials said the move would also save about $17 a day
for each detainee under the old contract. After the contract expires,
detainees there could be relocated if another bidder is selected. The rest of
the detainees will be housed at the county jail. "This does seem really
odd. Really odd," said Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights
Program with the Newark chapter of the American Friends Service Committee.
"It does make me think that the exposure of the unorthodox bidding
process, the non-transparency of the bidding process, has maybe raised some
questions." Gottlieb and others, including Sen. Frank Lautenberg,
criticized the bid process calling for more transparency. The county came
under fire after the Education and Health Centers of America was the only
bidder for the contract. John Clancy, a former county youth services
official, heads both the Education and Health Centers of America and the
Community Education Centers and has contributed tens of thousands of dollars
to the campaigns of county and state officials. In addition to Clancy, a
close friend and former law-firm colleague of the governor, William
Palatucci, serves as a senior vice president for Community Education Centers.
Today, Palatucci referred most questions to the county. "We currently
have a contractual relationship with Essex County through the end of the
year. We’ll have to wait and see to see what happens," he said.
Palatucci emphasized the company’s long relationship with county government.
"We have a good, strong track record for 11 years. We’d expect that to
continue in one shape or form going forward," he said. Ralph Caputo,
vice president of the county freeholder board and chairman of the public
safety committee, said the freeholders will review the contract with ICE at
their Wednesday meeting. He said the bid from Education and Health Centers of
America may not have been the best fit because of the timing. The ICE
contract is for five years, while the bid from Education and Health Centers
of America was for two years with an option to extend it. Caputo said
although the bid process has been controversial, he thinks the county is
trying to do it right. "I don’t think any of it was wrong," he
said. "I think they just went a little too fast." DiVincenzo also
said that Philip Alagia will serve in a new position
as county director of ICE programs, adding $30,000 to his $108,645 salary as
DiVincenzo’s chief of staff.
August 12, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County and the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency
have signed a new, five-year agreement that could nearly triple the number of
federal immigration detainees being held in Newark and generate as much as
$50 million a year for the county, ICE officials said today. Under the
contract, up to 1,250 detainees would be held at the Essex County Jail and
the privately-run Delaney Hall. About 465 detainees are now held at the jail
on an average day. Gillian Christensen, a spokeswoman for ICE, said the deal
was signed Thursday. Anthony Puglisi, a spokesman for Essex County, said
yesterday the county would have no comment until it officially announces the
deal. The county freeholders still need to sign off on the agreement.
Christensen said the contract calls for Essex County to receive $108 per
detainee per day over the life of the contract. A similar arrangement, drawn
up in 2008 at the rate of $105 per detainee per day, generated about $22
million for the county last year and is expected to bring in nearly $28
million this year, officials have said. The financial arrangement has come
under fire from opponents to federal immigration policy, who say that the
county is profiting from misguided mandates. "Essex County has shown
that profits come before human rights," said Karina Wilkinson, a
co-founder of the Middlesex County Coalition for Immigrant Rights and a
frequent critic of Essex County’s detention policies. "We are
disappointed that the Obama administration is continuing to expand detention
and deportation to record levels, tearing communities apart." The new
contract gives ICE access to 800 beds at the county jail and up to 450 beds
at the adjacent Delaney Hall, Christensen said. In recent weeks, detractors
have argued the specifications in the county’s bid request seeking housing
for an additional 450 detainees was tailor-made for a politically connected
company. Education and Health Centers of America, based in Wall Township,
submitted the only bid. The non-profit firm has contracted with the county to
provide rehabilitation and other services for more than a decade. In January,
the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services contract with
EHCA. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney Hall, a residential
facility for criminal offenders that prepares them for re-entry into society.
Although EHCA is a nonprofit, it subcontracted its service contracts to
Community Education Centers, a for-profit company with which it is
affiliated, according to state officials. Both companies are headed by John
Clancy, a former county youth services official who has contributed tens of
thousands of dollars to the campaign of county and state officials, according
to state elections records. Freeholder Ralph Caputo said the board would meet
with county administrators as soon as Monday to discuss both the contract and
EHCA’s bid. "The basic objective is we want to be able to benefit the
county with a tremendous amount of revenue, but we want to do it
appropriately," Caputo said today. "There are a lot of specifics
that have to addressed."
July 27, 2011 New York Times
Three weeks ago, Essex County, N.J., announced that it was seeking a company
to run a 450-bed immigrant detention center, hoping to take advantage of a
federally financed initiative to set up such facilities with better
supervision and medical care. The county said the contracting process was open
to any company. But behind the scenes, it appears that officials have a clear
favorite: Community Education Centers, which has a checkered record in
immigrant detention but counts one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest
confidants as a senior vice president. The company’s executives are also
political backers of the county executive, Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr., a
prominent ally of Mr. Christie. The county’s bidding rules specified that
visitors to the detention center greet detainees “in the gymnasium” — a requirement
that seemed to point to an existing facility, Delaney Hall in Newark,
operated by Community Education Centers. Bidders were given 23 days to submit
applications, an unusually short deadline for a multimillion-dollar contract.
Community Education Centers itself seemed to act as if its selection were a
done deal. The deadline for bids is Thursday, but the company posted
advertisements on its Web site weeks ago to fill five jobs working with
immigrant detainees at the facility. And this week, federal immigration
officials and Community Education staff members gave tours of Delaney Hall to
advocates for immigrants, telling them that it would probably be the new
facility. The advocates were not shown other sites. Questioned about the
selection process, Essex officials said the bidding was fair and open to any
company. A spokesman for Mr. Christie said the governor’s office had no
involvement in the contract. Federal and local officials have not indicated
the size of the contract for the winning bidder, but it appears the total
could amount to $8 million to $10 million annually. Government at all levels
has pushed to privatize prisons and detention centers in recent decades,
trying to save money and improve services. The federal government, which has
been apprehending a growing number of immigrants, plans to use private
companies to help overhaul a detention system that includes a patchwork of
facilities. But privatized prisons and detention centers have at times became
ensnared in scandals over mistreatment of their charges. In fact, Community
Education Centers, based in West Caldwell, N.J., was seriously penalized in
2008 under an earlier contract to house immigrants at Delaney Hall. After an
immigrant escaped, officials responded by removing the remaining 120
detainees from the company’s supervision and placing them in a public jail.
Immigrant detention centers typically house immigrants, both legal and
illegal, who are facing deportation because of visa violations or criminal
convictions. With a shortage of beds in the Northeast, the federal
Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency announced plans last year to house
hundreds of detainees in Essex County. Officials said the detainees would
have better access to lawyers and consulates, enabling the authorities to
curb the transfer of detainees to distant places like Texas. Community
Education’s senior vice president is William J. Palatucci, Mr. Christie’s
political mentor and former law partner, and one of the state’s well-known
Republican strategists. Mr. Palatucci was a major fund-raiser for George W.
Bush’s 2000 presidential campaign, and recommended to the Bush administration
that it nominate Mr. Christie for United States attorney for New Jersey, a
job he held from 2002 to 2009. Community Education and its executives are
major supporters of Mr. DiVincenzo, one of the most powerful politicians in
North Jersey. Community Education employees, including senior executives and
several of their family members, have donated a total of $30,600 to Mr.
DiVincenzo’s campaigns since 2006, according to disclosure records. Mr.
DiVincenzo, the county executive since 2002, is also influential in Trenton.
Though he is a Democrat, he has developed a close relationship with Mr.
Christie, a Republican, who swore him in for his third term. Mr. DiVincenzo
has said he agrees with 95 percent of what the governor is doing, and has
broken ranks with his party to support Mr. Christie’s efforts to curb the pay
and benefits of public employees. Mr. Christie’s press secretary, Michael Drewniak, said, “There is no basis whatsoever to bring
the governor into this and doing so sounds like a total stretch.” Essex
County’s counsel, James R. Paganelli, said neither
Community Education nor any other company had the inside track for the
contract. “We have a public bid looking for anybody who thinks they can
provide these services,” Mr. Paganelli said. “I
hope that this bid is as competitive as we can make it.” Mr. Paganelli said he expected as many as 30 companies to
express interest, and he declined to speak about any bidder in particular. A
Community Education spokesman, Christopher Greeder,
said any claim that the company had “received favored status from Essex
County is unfounded.” Mr. Greeder said Delaney Hall
was fully accredited and had housed more than 80,000 individuals since its
opening in 2000. Asked why the company had advertised for jobs at the
detention center before it knew whether it had won the contract, he said: “As
a private company, we often advertise for positions in advance of any
contract award. We want to be prepared.” He added that there was no
connection between campaign contributions given by company executives and
government contracts. For their part, federal officials said they were
already making plans to send immigrants to Delaney Hall because Essex
specifically mentioned it in its proposal to the federal government. They
were not aware that the county was considering other facilities, said Gillian
M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the immigration agency. Immigrant advocates
called the contracting process severely flawed. Amy Gottlieb, director of the
Immigrant Rights Program at the American Friends Service Committee, said,
“The idea that a company can advertise a job before they have the contract is
offensive, because the stakes are so high.” Although the details are still
being made final, Immigration and Customs Enforcement plans to assign 800
immigrants to the Essex jail, which currently holds about 500, and plans to
place an additional 450 detainees in Delaney Hall, which is nearby, Ms.
Christensen said. To solicit bids, Essex County advertised in The Star-Ledger
of Newark and posted the requirements on a county Web site, following
standard procedure, according to Mr. Paganelli, the
county counsel. He said county officials did not actively solicit companies
to bid. By comparison, the New York State Office of General Services said
that when the state issued contracts for specialized services, it advertised
in multiple publications, posted the requirements online and contacted
competing firms that perform similar services.
March 25, 2011 The Star-Ledger
A Superior Court judge this morning sentenced a 31-year-old man to life in
prison for strangling a fellow inmate at a private correctional facility in
Newark, two days after the victim had been sent there on unpaid traffic
tickets. A jury had convicted the man, Giancarlo Bonilla, of felony murder
for the May 18, 2009, killing of Derek West Harris, a Newark barber who had
been arrested for failing to pay $722 in traffic tickets. Instead of Essex
County Jail, Harris was sent to Delaney Hall, considered a jail alternative
for nonviolent offenders. Bonilla and two other men were charged in the
killing, which happened while they were trying to rob Harris, who was 51
years old. They confronted Harris, who resisted. Bonilla kept the man in a
minutes-long chokehold, killing him. The two other defendants pleaded guilty
to robbery charges. "Defendant Bonilla preyed upon Derek West for a few
cigarettes and fewer dollars," Superior Court Judge Peter Ryan said
before imposing the sentence. "For this, a horrendous murder was
perpetrated."
January 27, 2011 Star-Ledger
Someone, somewhere thought Derek West Harris would be safer in Delaney Hall —
a private correctional facility for nonviolent offenders — rather than at a
traditional jail, Essex County Assistant Prosecutor Peter Guarino said
Wednesday. Arrested for $722 in overdue traffic fines, the 51-year-old barber
was sent to Delaney Hall in Newark, where he was attacked and strangled two
days later on May 18, 2009. Three inmates were soon charged with his murder.
"This could have happened to anybody," Guarino said after a
Superior Court jury in Newark convicted Giancarlo Bonilla of the killing,
which followed a botched attempt to steal $20 from Harris. "That’s the
great tragedy of this case." Bonilla, 31, was found guilty of felony
murder, robbery and conspiracy to commit robbery, and faces up to life in prison
when he is sentenced March 18. He was acquitted of first-degree murder,
essentially meaning the jury determined Bonilla did not intend to kill
Harris, but caused his death in the act of committing a robbery.
June 3, 2009 Star-Ledger
On a Tuesday evening in Irvington, Derek West Harris saw the colored
lights in the rearview mirror of his late-model Mazda Millennium and pulled
over. Harris, a 51-year-old Newark barber, had bought the car two weeks
earlier and didn't register or insure it before he put it on the road. He
also owed $722 in back tickets, according to family members and corrections
documents. Harris was arrested and later taken to Delaney Hall, a unique,
private facility in Newark that opened nine years ago as an alternative to
jail for Essex County's low-level offenders. Two days after he was shown his
bed May 16 in Delaney Hall, Harris was dead. Three inmates -- Ibn Goodman,
18, Giancarlo Bonilla, 29, and Luis Gonzalez, 19 -- have been accused of
beating and strangling Harris in the middle of the night, then robbing him of
$20. His death is the first homicide committed at the facility since it
opened, said Scott Faunce, director of the Essex County Department of
Corrections. In comparison, there have only been two homicides in the state's
14 prisons since 2006, said Matt Schuman, a spokesman with the state
Department of Corrections. The incident has sparked three investigations --
one by the private company that runs the 1,120-bed facility, one by Essex
County, which paid the firm to operate the facility, and another by the state
Department of Corrections, which inspected the facility for the first time in
February, county officials said. They will look at who is placed in the
facility and how inmates are grouped together, county and state officials
said. As for Harris' family, they want to know why none of Delaney Hall's
staff saw the fight and stopped it. "I still can't grasp what
happened," said Terence Moore, 39, one of Harris' younger brothers.
"Somebody goes in on a traffic ticket and doesn't make it out?"
Inmate advocates also say they are concerned that Essex County has contracted
a private corrections company that is allowed to operate and staff its
facility with no accountability to state corrections authorities.
"Anyone can end up there," said Penny Venetis,
a Rutgers Law School professor who won a groundbreaking U.S. Supreme Court
ruling on behalf of detainees abused at a private facility in Elizabeth.
"It should not have happened at all. They are getting our tax dollars to
run these facilities." There are several other private corrections
facilities in the state funded with public funds. Delaney Hall is one of the
only ones that take jail inmates, said a state Department of Corrections
spokeswoman. Freeholder Ralph Caputo, who chairs the freeholder board's
public safety committee, said Camden County officials consider Delaney Hall a
model facility and are studying it as they consider privatizing their jail.
"It's been a very good program. Delaney Hall has worked in every way for
Essex County," Caputo said. Delaney Hall's mission is to end recidivism
through counseling and education, according to executives who manage the
facility on Doremus Street. At the time of Harris'
death, about 650 men and 70 women lived there, according to Essex County
officials. "It's an alternative to prison in a therapeutic
setting," said William Palatucci, senior vice president of Community
Education Centers Inc. of West Caldwell. In Delaney Hall, inmates can receive
job training and treatment for drug and alcohol abuse, said Palatucci.
Inmates are not locked in their rooms at night, and they are offered
incentives for good behavior, such as being able to order take-out one night
a month. Unlike a jail, the facility is staffed only with counselors. Some
are former inmates, which, a company spokesman said, is in keeping with the
facility's mission to rehabilitate offenders. Laura Cohen, a Rutgers Law
School professor who runs the school's Urban Legal Clinic, said what has
attracted government entities to contracting private corrections companies is
that many of them are not unionized. "State, counties and other
jurisdictions have looked to these companies as cost-savings measures,"
Cohen said. The county is paying Education and Health Centers of America Inc.
in Roseland, which contracts with Community Education Centers, up to $20
million a year to operate the facility, according to county records and
company officials. Joe Amato, president of the Essex County corrections
officers' union and a regular critic of Delaney Hall, said the facility's
differences are what make it dangerous for its inmates. He contends that the
staff monitoring inmates should be trained in law enforcement, just like
other corrections officers who are required to spend 14 weeks at a training
academy before working in a jail. The lack of training for staff is only
exacerbated at Delaney Hall, Amato said, because people charged with serious
crimes are housed with people charged with minor offenses. One of the main
criteria used to determine if an inmate may be housed in Delaney Hall is the
inmate's bail amount. Anyone with a bail of $75,000 or less is eligible, said
Faunce. Harris had a previous drug conviction in 2007 for manufacturing and
distributing less than half an ounce of cocaine, but was jailed for traffic
violations, according to corrections records. Owing $722 in fines, Harris'
bail was his outstanding ticket amounts. The suspects in Harris' death also
met the bail criteria. Bonilla, arrested on drug and several weapons charges,
had bail set at $75,000. He was released from South Woods State Prison in
Cumberland County in September 2005 after serving a year and a half for a
drug dealing conviction, according to state prison records. Goodman's bail
was set at $70,000 after he was arrested on charges of distributing narcotics
near a school, and Gonzalez was starting a four-year state sentence for a
parole violation and had no bail set prior to being accused of Harris'
murder, according to correction records. Amato said the county put as many
inmates as possible in Delaney Hall to make room in the county jail for
federal prisoners and detainees because the county makes money by housing
these inmates. Essex County officials denied the allegation. "It is
categorically untrue that as a result of a relationship with the federal
programs that we were somehow pushing people into Delaney Hall in order to
make room for revenue," Essex County Administrator Joyce Harley said.
Faunce said the county would take a serious look at the result of the investigations,
but that little could have been done to prevent Harris' death. "It could
not be predicted, no matter what kind of screening process you have in
place," he said.
East Jersey Prison
Rahway, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
February 22, 2009 Courier News
A state appeals court reinstated a lawsuit filed by a prisoner at East
Jersey State Prison in which he contends that the company that provided
medical treatment to inmates delayed giving him necessary back surgery. Cecil
Fearon, 65, who is serving a 50-year sentence for drug trafficking,
eventually underwent the surgery to fuse vertebrae, but the delay hurt his
chances of a full recovery, he contends. Named as defendants are Correctional
Medical Services and doctors involved in Fearon's case or connected to the
company, Paul Talbot, Arlene Tinker, Manar Hanna,
Lawrence Donkor, Richard Hellander and Ahab
Gabriel. A call placed to the attorney for the defendants was returned by a
Correctional Medical Services spokeswoman who declined comment, citing the
ongoing litigation. A trial judge threw out Fearon's lawsuit, saying his
medical negligence claims were outside the statute of limitations. The
three-judge panel, which did not identify the trial judge in its opinion,
ruled that the judge erred in dismissing Fearon's case. According to the
opinion, Fearon received an MRI of his spine in August 2003 and March 2004
after complaints of difficulty walking and pain in his back. A doctor cleared
him for surgery, “if approved,” according to the opinion. In June 2004, a
neurological surgeon examined Fearon and recommended back surgery. The
doctor, Anthony Churico, recommended it again in
April 2005. It was not scheduled and performed until January 2006. “According
to Dr. Churico, this delay in performing the
surgery caused plaintiff's condition to worsen and compromised the results of
the surgery,” the appeals panel wrote in its opinion. Fearon filed suit in
May 2006. The state Department of Corrections replaced Correctional Medical
Services in September with the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New
Jersey.
Elizabeth Detention Center
Elizabeth, New Jersey
CCA (formerly run by Correctional Services Corporation, bought by GEO Group)
Officials Hid
Truth of Immigrant Deaths in Jail by Nina Bernstein January 9, 2010 New York Times
Sep 10, 2021 njspotlight.com
ICE contractor breaking COVID-19 rules as detainees get infected, landlord
The
private prison company in charge of a federal immigration detention facility
in Elizabeth has failed to comply with social distancing guidelines to
mitigate the risk of COVID-19, the owner of the building has alleged in an
amended complaint filed Thursday in state Superior Court. Portview
Properties, the owner of the building at 625 Evans Street, alleged in the
complaint that the prison company's failure to implement required measures
and follow guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
represents a threat to the health, safety and
well-being of those detained there. And, the property owner claims, that is a
breach of its lease agreement. It asks that a judge terminates its contract
with CoreCivic. U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement has an agreement with CoreCivic to hold
asylum seekers and other immigrants in the agency's custody while they await
their immigration cases to be resolved. "The physical threat to these
individuals, which has been exacerbated by Defendant's inaction, has become
even more dire in light of the spread of new variants of the virus causing
COVID-19,'' the amended complaint states. A total of 114 positive cases of
COVID-19 have been recorded among the ICE population held at the facility
since testing for the disease began there in February 2020. That number
represents a more than 100%
increase since this spring, when 51 detainees had tested
positive between March 2020 and April 29, 2021, according to the complaint.
Spokesman says company is following guidelines Ryan Gustin,
a spokesman for CoreCivic, said the prison company
has rigorously followed the guidance of local, state
and federal health authorities, as well as government partners even before
the first confirmed case of COVID-19 at its facilities. "Our facilities
have followed the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines,
which have evolved over time, since the onset of the pandemic and we're
continuing to work closely [with] our government partners to enhance
procedures as needed,'' he said. He said the number of "confirmed cases
currently under isolation or monitoring" at the Elizabeth detention
facility, as of Wednesday, was seven, according to ICE figures. More than
23,400 people are held on immigration violations across the country, with 847
of them currently positive for the coronavirus, according to figures posted
on the ICE website through early this week. The ICE population across the
country has increased in recent months. In April, for example, about 14,000
were in custody. The site in Elizabeth has had the most COVID-19 cases out of
the four immigration detention facilities that have operated in New Jersey
since the start of the pandemic. The Essex County jail had reported 24 cases,
before it stopped holding ICE detainees last month. The jails in Bergen and
Hudson counties, which also house ICE detainees, have reported 26 and 14
cases respectively. A U.S. Government Accountability Office report on ICE's
response to the pandemic found that even though the federal agency had
developed protocols on facility intakes, screening and testing, and social
distancing, some centers reported that it was difficult to quarantine
detainees at times due to infrastructure limitations. Additionally, the
report found that detainee compliance with mask wearing was a consistent
challenge. In Elizabeth, Portview Properties claims
in the suit, the configuration and layout of the Elizabeth Detention Facility
- which was designed and constructed by CoreCivic -
makes it physically impossible for CoreCivic to
comply with social-distancing guidelines. "Detainees are housed together
in large, open rooms with little to no separation between them,'' the
complaint states. "Both former and current detainees housed at the
[facility] have complained of Defendant's total failure to implement the
basic safety, health care, sanitation and hygiene measures called for by
these guidelines and requirements." Portview
Properties filed its initial complaint in May, seeking an early termination
of its lease with CoreCivic. Despite the ongoing
lawsuit, this summer ICE extended its contract with CoreCivic
through August 2023 to house detainees in Elizabeth.
May 4, 2021 gothamist.com
ICE
Jailer in New Jersey Is Sued By Its Landlord,
Claiming Unsafe Conditions
The
owners of a windowless former warehouse that houses Immigration and Customs
Enforcement detainees in New Jersey are alleging dangerous conditions at the
facility and suing to terminate its lease, representing another potential
victory for activists seeking the end of controversial immigration detention
in the state. The lawsuit filed Monday alleges that CoreCivic,
the private prison operator that leases the facility and contracts with ICE
to hold about 145 asylum seekers and other undocumented immigrants, breached
its contract by failing to follow local and federal safety regulations to
stop the spread of Covid. The Elizabeth Detention Center has had more Covid
cases than other ICE facilities in the region, and both security and medical
employees have died. One dozen detainees newly tested positive at the end of
April, just as cases statewide were dropping. The lawsuit comes days after
Democratic officials in Essex County announced they would stop housing ICE
detainees by August. Democratic leaders in Hudson County, which likewise
holds ICE detainees at its county jail, also signaled they might cancel their
new 10-year contract with ICE. Meanwhile, the sheriff in Bergen County said
last week that jail is no longer admitting additional ICE detainees. Anti-ICE
activists were thrilled at the news, which we first broke on-air on WNYC on
Monday. They have long held protests, prayer services, and 24-hour vigils at
the facility. Scores of people have been arrested outside for engaging in
civil unrest. When congressional representatives toured the facility in 2019,
they framed it as a symbol of Trump Administration immigration abuses. The
suit was filed in Union County by Portview
Properties, which is affiliated with Elberon
Development Group. Elberon and its politically
connected owner, Anne Evans Estabrook, and her son, Dave Gibbons, had been
targeted by activists through their philanthropic endeavors. Both serve on
boards at Kean University, and Estabrook is on the board of the New Jersey
Performing Arts Center in Newark. Last year, Elberon
publicly announced that it was seeking to cut ties with CoreCivic.
But CoreCivic, the largest private prison operator
in the country, refused to end the arrangement and told investors it would
stay until its lease expired, in 2027. Now, in the lawsuit, Elberon documents how CoreCivic
mishandled Covid protocols, arguing that its failure to implement safety
measures required by the Centers for Disease Control means that it breached
its contract with ICE “and, therefore, its lease agreement.” It notes that 51
detainees have contracted Covid at the facility, according to ICE data. The lawsuit
reads: “Given the grave concerns expressed by those individuals who have
experienced first-hand the dangerous conditions within the EDC, Plaintiff
demanded assurances from Defendant that it is operating the EDC in accordance
with its contractual obligation to adhere to and implement federal COVD-19
safety guidelines, regulations and requirements. In response, Defendant
offered only a naked statement that it is in compliance
with its obligations under the ICE Contract.” Former and current
detainees described a facility that was not meant for people to live in for
months, let alone years. Birds that fly around the interior allegedly
defecate on detainees’ beds, and people with medical problems are abused by
staff. Women said they were not provided sanitary pads. Edafe
Okporo, a public health and gay rights activist who
was detained at Elizabeth after fleeing Nigeria in 2016, said he wished the
detention center could be turned into housing for asylum seekers. “The news
of a potential possibility of closing the center came with a relief that no
one would have to go through the horrible system as I did,” said Okporo, who now runs a shelter for asylum seekers in New
York City. “It's coming late, but slow progress is better than no progress.”
The male and female immigrants at Elizabeth are held in crowded
dormitory-like settings, not in cells, with one bathroom for 40 people. They
are often transported from local airports after they landed and declared
asylum, saying their lives were threatened due to persecution in their home
countries. As has been common federal practice since the 1990s, while they
await immigration court hearings on their claims, they are locked up,
sometimes for years. During the Covid-19 pandemic, conditions at Elizabeth
worsened, and detainees held hunger strikes to protest. Immigration attorneys
filed a class-action lawsuit demanding that detainees at the facility be
released. One plaintiff in that suit who was held at the facility claimed
that detainees had to buy their own soap, and alleged that their mandated
prison uniforms that they wear daily were only cleaned once every two weeks
because the detainees who work in the laundry room contracted Covid. Another
plaintiff was immediately deported. ICE referred questions to CoreCivic. A spokesman there said the company doesn't
comment on lawsuits, but "the safety and well-being of these individuals
and our staff is our top priority." The publicly traded company has
previously been accused of human-rights abuses inside its other facilities. Last
year, WNYC’s The Takeaway and The Intercept reported that CoreCivic
officers in Georgia bragged on social media about pepper-spraying detainees
who had protested for medical attention and better food. Elberon
Development first signed the lease with CoreCivic
in 1993, when the federal government locked up far fewer immigrants for far
shorter periods of time. The contract was controversial from the start. In
1995 detainees rioted and attempted to take over the facility, even holding officers hostage. Immigrants then made the same
allegations about the facility that continue to this day, about inedible
food, lack of fresh air, bugs and vermin, no opportunity to exercise, and
crowded sleeping quarters.
Jul
16, 2020 insidernj.com
Elizabeth
Detention Center Property Owner Announces Plans to Cut Ties with For-Profit
Detention Company CoreCivic
NEW
JERSEY — After months of action by immigrant rights organizers, the Elberon Development Group has decided to cut ties with
their tenant, CoreCivic and their property, the
Elizabeth Detention Center (EDC), a private immigration detention center that
has a long history of inhumane conditions. Advocates continue to press for
the immediate closure of the EDC and the immediate release of all people
detained there, for Elberon to establish a
reparations fund from their rental profits for the individuals and families
of those who have been detained at EDC, as well as the release of people from
all detention facilities. Following a series of protests outside the
Elizabeth Detention Center and weekly calls to Elberon
Chairperson Anne Evans Estabrook and President & CEO Dave Gibbons from
concerned local residents that had previously been met with silence, on July
14, 2020, the Elberon Development Group sent an
email to those who had raised concerns, stating that “As supporters of many
important educational, social service and religious organizations in the
community, we want our values mirrored in our work” and thus have “shared
with Core Civic our plan to end our relationship. The coalition involved in
this campaign includes the New Jersey Advocates for Immigrant Detainees, New
York City and North Jersey chapters of Democratic Socialists of America
(DSA), Freedom for Immigrants, Pax Christi, the Queer Detainee Empowerment
Project, First Friends of New Jersey and New York, Free Them All for Public
Health, Critical Resistance, Occupy Bergen County, the Green Party of New
Jersey, and many more. “This is a victory for the grassroots, but we will not
stop until people are released from detention. One email cannot erase the
pain of thousands of separated families over the course of 25 years. Elberon did not need us to tell them that their
collaboration with ICE through their business relationship with CoreCivic was wrong.” says Kathy O’Leary, NJ region
coordinator of Pax Christi. “Elberon’s move toward
accountability is a good start,” says Whitney Strub
of North Jersey DSA, “but the layers of complicity with Trump and ICE run
deep in New Jersey, from Democratic county governments that contract with ICE
to Prudential Financial in Newark, a major shareholder in the private prison
and detention center industry. We say #NoBusinesswithICE or its affiliates
anywhere in this state.” Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, Elizabeth Detention
Center, along with immigrantion detention centers,
jails, and prisons across the country, has come under increased fire for
unsanitary conditions, lack of sufficient testing and proper PPE for people
who are detained as well as workers, and the widespread threat of sickness
and death from the virus. After more than a dozen people contracted the virus
in the prison and an employee for CoreCivic passed
away, American Friends Service Committee, Immigrant Defense Project, NYU
Immigrant Rights Clinic, and Faegre Drinker Biddle & Reath
LLP partnered with people held in Elizabeth to file a lawsuit demanding their
release. ICE swiftly retaliated against one of the plaintiffs, Héctor García
Mendoza, deporting him to Mexico, where he has not been heard from since. ICE
continues to send people to Elizabeth Detention Center, and roughly 80 people
remain trapped in the windowless facility according to the most recent legal
papers ICE filed in the case, which is pending before Judge Esther Salas in
the District of New Jersey. “While Elberon
Development’s actions are a powerful first step, we cannot rest until
immigration detention is abolished in New Jersey and throughout the United
States.” says Serges Demefack,
End Detention and Deportation Project Coordinator at American Friends Committee.
“We must ensure that the closing of one facility does not mean people are
simply transferred to another. Elberon Development
must cut all ties with the prison industrial complex and the unjust
immigration system and proactively support efforts to #FreeThemAll. It is not
enough to oppose CoreCivic’s operations on their
property in Elizabeth, we are asking them to stand on the right side of
history as vocal partners in the call to shut down prisons and detention
centers across the country.” “Elberon’s decision to
terminate their relationship with CoreCivic
demonstrates the impact of our collective power.” says Tania Mattos, Policy
and Northeast Monitoring Manager at Freedom for Immigrants. “We will hold Elberon to their word and won’t stop pushing until the
immigrant prison at Elizabeth is completely closed. In the meantime, we must
make sure people detained in Elizabeth are not transferred or deported during
a global pandemic and are instead released so they can safely shelter in
place with their families. We trust that the federal court will act quickly
to ensure that the rights and wellbeing of the people imprisoned in Elizabeth
are protected.” “Now in my 80s, I’m living in a priests’ retirement home, yet
I recall starting some 25 years ago protesting outside the Elizabeth
Detention Center,” Fr. Jack Martin, a now-retired priest in the Roman
Catholic Archdiocese of Newark says. “As a minister and an American, I knew
so well we should be welcoming our sisters and brothers as the poem on the
Statue of Liberty proclaims. As a missionary and an organizer, I have seen
what life is like in Central America and Haiti. So many flee for their safety
and the future of their children. How can we put them in cages and prisons?
If Elberon is serious about the ending of the
contract, I say bless you. Praise God!” “We are glad to hear that Elberon has decided to end their contract with Core CIVIC
and stop profiting from immigrant’s lives,” Rosa Santana, Program Director at
First Friends of New Jersey and New York says. “We do ask that Elberon give back to the community that they have taken
so much from. So many friends have been detained in horrendous conditions in
this facility; Elberon should have never had a
contract with Core CIVIC and allow so many families to suffer and be
separated. We also would like to see a humane released plan for those
who are currently detained at EDC and for friends not to be sent farther away
from their families. ICE detention should be abolished!” Advocates have long
called for the closure of the Elizabeth Detention Center as well as other
private and government-run detention centers. As dangerous, unsanitary
conditions and protocols have caused people at Elizabeth to suffer from
COVID-19, four people at imminent risk of serious illness and death from the
virus filed a class-action lawsuit on May 15, 2020 demanding the immediate
release of all immigrants locked up in EDC. Groups including Freedom for
Immigrants offered testimony. In recent years, CoreCivic
has become infamous for running for-profit immigrantion
detention centers and caging people in inhumane, abusive conditions. In 2017,
CoreCivic received $135 million in federal funds
for immigrant detention. The Elizabeth Detention Center has had a long
history of jailing people in inhumane conditions, going back to a 1995
uprising of people who were detained, a year after the converted industrial
warehouse opened, as detailed in the New York Times article “Detention Jail
Called Worse Than Prison.” Under CoreCivic’s
management, the prison has continued to harm immigrants, 85% of whom are
Black and/or Latinx. The 2007 death of Boubacar Bah and the 2011 death of
Victor Ramirez-Reyes exposed a pattern of medical abuse and neglect at the
facility. In 2019, the terrible conditions at Elizabeth led several members
of Congress, including New Jersey Congressman Frank Pallone, to visit the
facility. Since then, however, there has been no government action to address
the conditions or release people from Elizabeth Detention Center.
April 27, 2010 RT
The US Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency holds thousands of
undocumented immigrants in prisons around the country, and the truth of what
happens inside is a closely guarded secret. An industrial part of Elizabeth,
New Jersey is the state’s largest jail for the undocumented, kept full
courtesy of US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, otherwise known as ICE.
Detainees inside usually face deportation, but in some cases, the outcome is
much worse. Boubacar Bah, 52, slipped and fell in a shower inside the facility.
According to his attorney, although he suffered a traumatic brain injury, his
strange behavior was treated as “acting out.” As a result of his behavior, he
was placed in solitary confinement. After suffering a solitary cell for more
than 12 hours, he was rushed into emergency brain surgery. Doctors found that
he had suffered multiple brain hemorrhages and a skull fracture. He fell into
a coma, where he remained for four months before dying. Nearly three years
later, family and friends are still waiting for answers as to why Bah was in
the prison and how he died. “He had never been arrested. Never done nothing
wrong. We want to know what happened to him. He was a human being,” said
Moussa Dia, Bah’s friend.
To US officials, the Guinean immigrant was a criminal. He lived in New York
for roughly eight years with an expired work visa. In 2006, Bah paid a visit
to his native land under a special Green Card program, but on his way back,
he was detained and locked up by ICE officials. “Right now, ICE is only
accountable to itself. It engages in self policing.
Therefore third parties can’t sue to enforce their own internal standards.
ICE just has its own standards, and it can choose to follow them or not,”
said Venita Gupta, an attorney with the ACLU based in New York. An estimated
380,000 immigrants were imprisoned last year–up 300 percent from a decade
ago–and punishing them can be profitable for the Corrections Corporation of
America, or CCA. The nation’s largest private prison provider is
subcontracted by ICE to operate more than 60 facilities, including the New
Jersey jail where Boubacar Bah was last seen alive. “There’s been a huge,
huge increase and its part of the prison industrial complex in this country,
and the growth of prisons and the growth of private prison contractors that
get these very meaty contracts by the government and they are making a lot of
money running these facilities,” said Gupta. In 2008, CCA made just under
$1.6 billion. Meanwhile, ICE is requesting a budget increase from Washington.
They are hoping to get $5.8 billion for the next fiscal year. However, a
price tag can’t be put on Boubacar Bah’s life, and
the official word from ICE is that the case is still pending.
February 12, 2010 Art Threat
In solidarity with the detainees currently on hunger strike to protest
inhumane conditions at the Los Fresnos immigration
jail (Port Isabel, TX), I’m highlighting Homeland Guantanamos.
Much more than an educational online game, this project documents actual
detainees’ stories and the abuses they endured while in detention.
Approximately 300,000 immigrants both legal and illegal are being detained in
the U.S., many without conviction of any crime. This non-linear
storytelling/investigative project invites players to discover what’s really
happening on the inside. The game’s assignment: go undercover by working as a
prison guard and find the truth about what happened to Boubacar Bah, an
immigrant from Ghinea who died while in ICE custody
May 30, 2007. Free Range Studios built the virtual facility to match the
Elizabeth Detention Center (run by the private company Corrections
Corporation of America) where Bah was detained and designed the story around
the actual events and people involved. While exploring each room, I found
clues to help solve the case including embedded video interviews with Bah’s friends and family, his fellow detainees and their
families. The video and written evidence reveal human rights abuses that
mimic those committed at Guantanamo and other U.S. secret prisons. Partnering
with Free Range Studios, the international human rights organization
Breakthrough used this project to launch a national engagement campaign.
Included on the site are innumerable ways to take action, a memorial wall for
the 87 immigrants who’ve died while in detention and a searchable U.S. map
that locates local Gitmos by zip code. The article
that triggered this project along with the recently released video What
Really Happened to Boubacar Bah can both be found here. Spreading, creating
or participating in projects as informative and comprehensive as this
encourages the beginning of the end of real homeland Guantanamos.
June 22, 2008 The Record
Immigration advocates on Thursday denounced the immigrant detention system as
inhumane and expressed support for a proposed bill that aims to improve
medical care for detainees. Standing across the street from the Elizabeth
Detention Center, a converted warehouse in Elizabeth that holds some 300
non-criminal detainees, the advocates cited recent published reports that
said more than 60 people have died in recent years while in the custody of
immigration officials. "The lack of federal immigration reform has
contributed to the death of these detainees," said Shai Goldstein,
executive director of the New Jersey Immigration Policy Network. "That
is unacceptable and un-American." The group of a couple dozen advocates,
about half of whom were clergy, said they wanted to draw attention to
legislation introduced by Sen. Bob Menendez, D-N.J., that establishes
procedures for medical services to immigrant detainees. Describing the
medical care at immigrant detention centers as a haphazard one that has
denied detainees adequate — and even lifesaving — medication, Menendez says
the Detainee Basic Medical Care Act would ensure that detention would
"never amount to a death sentence." Officials of the Newark office
of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which oversees the center,
declined comment on the accusations about medical care, citing pending
litigation. But, ICE spokesman Harold Ort said: "ICE meets the highest
standards of law enforcement." At one point during the press conference,
two employees of Corrections Corporation of America, the private contractor
that operates the center, walked toward the group and asked questions of some
people, including reporters, including their names and the advocates'
purpose. One of the employees, a man whose name tag said
"Dickerson," jotted down notes while looking at the group. CCA
later confirmed that T. Dickerson is the center's assistant warden. "Is
that Jim McGreevey?" asked the other employee, a woman. Dickerson looked
at McGreevey, then scribbled in his notebook. James McGreevey, the former
governor and current student at an Episcopal seminary in New York, said only
that he was there as a parishioner of All Saints Episcopal Parish in Hoboken,
with All Saints' pastor, Jeff Curtis. Later, the advocates assailed the CCA
employees, saying their presence was meant to intimidate.Several advocates said they visit the
detainees in the center and have heard and seen some troubling things
firsthand. The conference was part of a national event, "A Night of One
Thousand Conversations," meant to spotlight concerns about immigrant
detention and enforcement actions by immigration agents.
May 5, 2008 New York Times
Word spread quickly inside the windowless walls of the Elizabeth Detention
Center, an immigration jail in New Jersey: A detainee had fallen, injured his
head and become incoherent. Guards had put him in solitary confinement, and
late that night, an ambulance had taken him away more dead than alive. But
outside, for five days, no official notified the family of the detainee,
Boubacar Bah, a 52-year-old tailor from Guinea who had overstayed a tourist
visa. When frantic relatives located him at University Hospital in Newark on
Feb. 5, 2007, he was in a coma after emergency surgery for a skull fracture
and multiple brain hemorrhages. He died there four months later without ever
waking up, leaving family members on two continents trying to find out why.
Mr. Bah’s name is one of 66 on a government list of
deaths that occurred in immigration custody from January 2004 to November
2007, when nearly a million people passed through. The list, compiled by
Immigration and Customs Enforcement after Congress demanded the information,
and obtained by The New York Times under the Freedom of Information Act, is
the fullest accounting to date of deaths in immigration detention, a
patchwork of federal centers, county jails and privately run prisons that has
become the nation’s fastest-growing form of incarceration. The list has few
details, and they are often unreliable, but it serves as a rough road map to
previously unreported cases like Mr. Bah’s. And it
reflects a reality that haunts grieving families like his: the difficulty of
getting information about the fate of people taken into immigration custody,
even when they die. Mr. Bah’s relatives never saw
the internal records labeled “proprietary information — not for distribution”
by the Corrections Corporation of America, which runs the New Jersey
detention center for the federal government. The documents detail how he was
treated by guards and government employees: shackled and pinned to the floor
of the medical unit as he moaned and vomited, then left in a disciplinary
cell for more than 13 hours, despite repeated notations that he was
unresponsive and intermittently foaming at the mouth. Mr. Bah had lived in
New York for a decade, surrounded by a large circle of friends and relatives.
The extravagant gowns he sewed to support his wife and children in West
Africa were on display in a Manhattan boutique. But he died in a sequestered
system where questions about what had happened to him, or even his
whereabouts, were met with silence. As the country debates stricter
enforcement of immigration laws, thousands of people who are not American
citizens are being locked up for days, months or years while the government
decides whether to deport them. Some have no valid visa; some are legal
residents, but have past criminal convictions; others are seeking asylum from
persecution. Death is a reality in any jail, and the medical neglect of
inmates is a perennial issue. But far more than in the criminal justice
system, immigration detainees and their families lack basic ways to get
answers when things go wrong. No government body is required to keep track of
deaths and publicly report them. No independent inquiry is mandated. And
often relatives who try to investigate the treatment of those who died say
they are stymied by fear of immigration authorities, lack of access to
lawyers, or sheer distance. Federal officials say deaths are reviewed
internally by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which reports them to its
inspector general and decides which ones warrant investigation. Officials say
they notify the detainee’s next of kin or consulate, and report the deaths to
local medical authorities, who may conduct autopsies. In Mr. Bah’s case, a review before his death found no evidence
of foul play, an immigration spokesman said, though after later inquiries
from The Times, he said a full review of the death was under way. But
critics, including many in Congress, say this piecemeal process leaves too
much to the agency’s discretion, allowing some deaths to be swept under the
rug while potential witnesses are transferred or deported. They say it also
obscures underlying complaints about medical care, abusive conditions or
inadequate suicide prevention. In January, the House passed a bill that would
require states that receive certain federal money to report deaths in custody
to their attorneys general. But the bill is stalled in the Senate, and it
does not cover federal facilities. The only tangible result of Congressional
concern has been the list of 66 deaths, which names Mr. Bah and many other
detainees for the first time, but raises as many questions as it answers. For
Mr. Bah’s survivors, the mystery of his death is
hard to bear. In Guinea, his first wife, Dalanda,
wept as she spoke about the contradictory accounts that had reached her and
her two teenage sons through other detainees, including some who speculated
that Mr. Bah had been beaten. In New York, a cousin who is an American
citizen, Khadidiatou Bah, 38, said she was unable
to bring a lawsuit, in part because other relatives were afraid of
antagonizing the authorities. “They don’t want to push the case, or maybe
they will be sent home,” she said. “This guy was killed, and we don’t know
what happened.” Lingering Questions -- The list of deaths where Mr. Bah’s name surfaced is often cryptic. Along with 13
deaths cited as suicides and 14 as the result of cardiac ailments, it offers
such causes as “undetermined” and “unwitnessed arrest, epilepsy.” No one’s
nationality is given, some places of detention are omitted, and some names
and birth dates seem garbled. As a result, many families could not be tracked
down for this article. But when they could be, they posed more disturbing
questions. In California, relatives of Walter Rodriguez-Castro, 28, said they
were rebuffed when they tried to find out why his calls had stopped coming
from the Kern County Jail in Bakersfield in April 2006. Then in June, his
wife went to his scheduled hearing in San Francisco’s immigration court and
learned that he had been dead for many weeks, his body unclaimed in the
county morgue. The coroner found that Mr. Rodriguez-Castro, a mover from El
Salvador in the country illegally, had died of undiagnosed meningitis and
H.I.V., after days complaining of fever, stiff neck and vomiting. The cause
of death on the government’s list: “unresponsive.” Immigration authorities
said on Friday that the case was now under review, but would not answer
questions about it or other deaths on the list. Sgt. Ed Komin,
a spokesman for the jail, said the death had been promptly reported to
immigration officials, who were responsible for notifying families. Four sons
in another family, in Sacramento, described trying for days to get medical
care for their father, Maya Nand, a 56-year-old legal immigrant from Fiji, at
a detention center run by the Corrections Corporation in Eloy, Ariz. Mr.
Nand, an architectural draftsman, had been ailing when he was taken into
custody on Jan. 13, 2005, apparently because his application for citizenship
had been rejected, based on an earlier conviction for misdemeanor domestic
violence. In collect calls, the sons said, he told them that despite his
chest pains and breathing problems, doctors at the detention center did not
take his condition seriously. The Corrections Corporation said he had been
seen and treated “multiple times.” But a letter to the family from an
immigration official said his treatment was for a respiratory infection. The
letter said that Mr. Nand was taken to an emergency room on Jan. 25, where congestive
heart failure was diagnosed, and that he “suffered an apparent heart attack
while at the hospital.” He died on Feb. 2, 2005, shackled to a hospital bed
in Tucson. Boubacar Bah had more going for him than many detainees. He had a
lawyer and many friends and relatives in the United States, and his detention
center in New Jersey was one of the few frequented by immigrant advocates.
But three days after he suffered a head injury in detention last year, no one
in his New York circle knew that he was lying comatose in a Newark hospital,
where he had already been identified as a possible organ donor. “Thank you
for the referral,” an organ-sharing network wrote on Feb. 3, 2007, according
to hospital records. “This patient is a potential candidate for organ
donation once brain death criteria is met.” Four
days after the fall, tipped off by a detainee who called Mr. Bah’s roommate in Brooklyn, relatives rushed to the
detention center to ask Corrections Corporation employees where he was. “They
wouldn’t give us any information,” said Lamine
Dieng, an American citizen who teaches physics at Bronx Community College and
is married to Mr. Bah’s cousin Khadidiatou.
On the fifth day, they said, a detention official called them with the name
of the hospital. There they found Mr. Bah on life support, still in custody,
with a detention guard around the clock. “There was one guard who knew
Boubacar,” Ms. Bah said. “He told me on the down-low: ‘This guy, you have to
fight for him. This guy was neglected.’ ” Within the week, word of the case
reached a reporter at The Times, through an immigration lawyer who had
received separate calls from two detainees; they were upset about a badly
injured man — named “something like Aboubakar” —
left in an isolation cell and later found near death. But advocacy groups
said they were unaware of the case. And Michael Gilhooly, the spokesman for
Immigration and Customs Enforcement, said that without the man’s full name
and eight-digit alien registration number, he could not check the information.
For those who knew Mr. Bah, it was hard to understand how such a man could
lie dying without explanations. “Everybody liked Boubacar,” said Sadio
Diallo, 48, who has a tailor shop in Flatbush, Brooklyn, where he and Mr. Bah
had shared an apartment with fellow immigrants since arriving in 1998. “He’s
a very, very, very good man.” For six years, Mr. Bah had worked for L’Impasse, a clothing store in the West Village, sewing
dresses that sold for up to $2,000 with what a former manager, Abdul Sall, called his “magic hands.” Mr. Bah often spent
Sundays at the Bronx townhouse his cousins had inherited from the family’s
first American citizen, a seaman who arrived in 1943. In Africa, Mr. Bah’s earnings not only supported his first wife, sons
and ailing mother, but in Guinean tradition, allowed him to wed a second
wife, long distance. It was his longing to see them all again after eight
years that landed him in detention. When he returned from a three-month visit
to Guinea in May 2006, immigration authorities at Kennedy Airport told him
that his green card application had been denied while he was away,
automatically revoking his permission to re-enter the United States. An
immigration lawyer hired by his friends was unable to reopen the application
while Mr. Bah waited for nine months in detention, records showed. Mr. Bah
died on May 30, 2007, after four months in a coma. His lawyer, Theodore Vialet, requested detention reports and hospital records
under the Freedom of Information Act. But by the time the records arrived
last autumn, the idea of a lawsuit had been dropped. So Mr. Vialet just filed the records away — until a reporter’s
call about a name on the list of dead detainees prompted him to dig them out.
After the Fall -- There are 57 pages of documents, some neatly typed by
medics, some scrawled by guards. Some quote detainees who said Mr. Bah was
ailing for two days before his fall on Feb. 1, and asked in vain to see a
doctor. The records leave unclear exactly when or how Mr. Bah was injured in
detention. But they leave no doubt that guards, supervisors, government
medical employees and federal immigration officers played a role in leaving
him untreated, hour after hour, as he lapsed into a stupor. It began about 8
a.m., according to the earliest report. Guards called a medical emergency
after a detainee saw Mr. Bah collapse near a toilet, hitting the back of his
head on the floor. When he regained consciousness, Mr. Bah was taken to the
medical unit, which is run by the federal Public Health Service. He became
incoherent and agitated, reports said, pulling away from the doctor and
grabbing at the unit staff. Physicians consulted later by The Times called
this a textbook symptom of intracranial bleeding, but apparently no one
recognized that at the time. He was handcuffed and placed in leg restraints
on the floor with medical approval, “to prevent injury,” a guard reported.
“While on the floor the detainee began to yell in a foreign language and turn
from side to side,” the guard wrote, and the medical staff deemed that “the
screaming and resisting is behavior problems.” Mr. Bah was ordered to calm
down. Instead, he kept crying out, then “began to regurgitate on the floor of
medical,” the report said. So Mr. Bah was written up for disobeying orders.
And with the approval of a physician assistant, Michael Chuley,
who wrote that Mr. Bah’s fall was unwitnessed and
“questionable,” the tailor was taken in shackles to a solitary confinement
cell with instructions that he be monitored. Under detention protocols, an
officer videotaped Mr. Bah as he lay vomiting in the medical unit, but the
camera’s battery failed, guards wrote, when they tried to tape his trip to
cell No. 7. Inside the cell, a supervisor removed Mr. Bah’s
restraints. He was unresponsive to questions asked by the Public Health
Service officer on duty, a report said, adding: “The detainee set up in his
bed and moan and he fell to his left side and hit his head on the bed rail.”
About 9 a.m., with the approval of the health officer and a federal
immigration agent, the cell was locked. The watching began. As guards checked
hourly, Mr. Bah appeared to be asleep on the concrete floor, snoring. But he
could not be roused to eat lunch or dinner, and at 7:10 p.m., “he began to
breathe heavily and started foaming slightly at the mouth,” a guard wrote. “I
notified medical at this time.” However, the nurse on duty rejected the
guard’s request to come check, according to reports. And at 8 p.m., when the
warden went to the medical unit to describe Mr. Bah’s
condition, the nurse, Raymund Dela Pena, was not
alarmed. “Detainee is likely exhibiting the same behavior as earlier in the
day,” he wrote, adding that Mr. Bah would get a mental health exam in the
morning. About 10:30 p.m., more than 14 hours after Mr. Bah’s
fall, the same nurse, on rounds, recognized the gravity of his condition:
“unresponsive on the floor incontinent with foamy brown vomitus noted around
mouth.” Smelling salts were tried. Mr. Bah was carried back to the medical
unit on a stretcher. Just before 11, someone at the jail called 911. When an
ambulance left Mr. Bah at the hospital, brain scans showed he had a fractured
skull and hemorrhages at all sides of his swelling brain. He was rushed to
surgery, and the detention center was informed of the findings. But in a
report to their supervisors the next day, immigration officials at the center
described Mr. Bah’s ailment as “brain aneurysms” —
a diagnosis they corrected a week later to “hemorrhages,” without mentioning
the skull fracture. After Mr. Bah’s death, they
wrote that his hospitalization was “subsequent to a fall in the shower.” The
nurse, Mr. Dela Pena, and the physician assistant, Mr. Chuley,
said that only their superiors could discuss the case. The Public Health
Service did not respond to questions, and the Corrections Corporation said
medical decisions were the responsibility of the Public Health Service. Mr. Bah’s cousins demanded an autopsy, but the Union County
medical examiner’s confidential report was not completed until Dec. 6. It was
sent to the county prosecutor’s office only as a matter of routine, because
the matter had been classified as an “unattended accident resulting in
death.” Prosecutors said they did not investigate. “According to the report,
Bah suffered a fall in the shower,” Eileen Walsh, a spokeswoman for the
prosecutors, said in an e-mail message. “We are not privy to any other bits
of information.” In the home movies Mr. Bah made of his last journey home, he
is only a fleeting presence: a slim man with a shy smile. But without his
support, relatives in Africa say they have little money for food and none for
his sons’ schooling. His body went back to Guinea in a sealed coffin. “I
stayed here seven years, waiting for him,” his second wife, Mariama, said in
French, recalling their long separation and the brief reunion that led to the
birth of their son, now a toddler, while Mr. Bah was in detention. “I wanted
them to open the casket,” she added, “to know if it was him inside. Until
today, I cry for him.”
November 13, 2007 India Post
An Immigration Detention Center in Elizabeth, New Jersey reversed a ban
against turbans. Three detained Sikh men were barred from wearing turbans for
months. The facility changed its policy three weeks after the Sikh Coalition
intervened. Three Sikhs have been currently detained for immigration
violations at the Elizabeth Detention Center (EDC) by Immigrations Customs
Enforcement (ICE) of the Department of Homeland Security. EDC is run by a
private government contractor, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). The
men were put in detention at various times within the past 15 months. CCA
disallowed them from wearing their turbans during this time. On October 7, a
family friend of one of the Sikh detainees contacted the Sikh Coalition
requesting assistance. The Coalition then contacted the family of the
detained man, and subsequently was able to communicate with all three Sikh
detainees. All three asked the Coalition for help to persuade the detention centre to allow them to wear their turbans.The
Sikh Coalition spoke to the Chief of Security at EDC on October 12. The
Coalition explained that their refusal to allow Sikh detainees to wear
turbans violated: firstly, ICE's Detention Standards regarding Religious
Practices, and secondly the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons
Act. The Coalition also raised the issue in a memorandum to ICE officials on
October 17 in preparation for an interagency meeting in Washington, DC hosted
by the Department of Justice. The next day, the Legal Aid Society of New York
and the Coalition also sent a joint letter to the detention center's Warden,
explaining that CCA was violating the law. On October 22 the Warden contacted
the Legal Aid Society and indicated that the center would allow the men to
wear their religious headwear subject to safety and security considerations.
November 13, 2007 AP
A federal jury on Tuesday awarded a political asylum $100,001 after finding
that her rights were violated while in custody at a detention center operated
for U.S. immigration authorities by a private contractor, the immigrant's
lawyer said. The jury said the operator, then known as Esmor
Corp., and some former executives, should pay $100,000 to Somali immigrant Hawa Jama for negligent hiring and training, and $1 for
violating the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. "Clearly, she would
have been happier if she got more money, but she feels vindicated," said
the lawyer, Penny M. Venetis. The jury found no
violation of international human rights standards. The verdict came on the
second day of deliberations, but a decade after Jama and eight other
immigrants sued the company that ran the detention center in Elizabeth and
what was then known as the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Venetis said the eight others had already settled for
undisclosed sums, and the only remaining defendants were the corporate
successor to Esmor and former Esmor
employees. Esmor is now part of the Geo Group Inc.
Messages seeking comment from its lawyer and a company spokesman were not
immediately returned. At trial, Jama testified that she endured beatings,
insults, rotting food and unsanitary conditions during her 11-month detention
at the privately run jail in Elizabeth in 1994-95. The INS closed the center
following a riot in June 1995, when about 100 immigrants broke windows,
destroyed furniture and overpowered guards, claiming they were being held
under inhumane conditions. The INS fired Esmor,
then of Melville, N.Y., after finding that poorly trained guards abused the
detainees physically and mentally, gave them spoiled food and deprived them
of sleep. The detention center reopened in January 1997 after renovations
were completed by its new operator, Corrections Corp. of America, of
Nashville, Tenn. Jama, now in her late 30s, got married several years ago and
now lives with her husband and three children in Columbus, Ohio, Venetis said. Jama had fled tribal warfare in Somalia
that claimed her father and brother, and became a U.S. citizen last year,
said Venetis, a law professor at Rutgers School of
Law-Newark and co-director of its constitutional litigation clinic. "She
really is still very haunted by what happened at Esmor,"
Venetis said. "She has flashbacks." Venetis claimed "corporate greed" created
miserable conditions at the Esmor detention center.
Guards routinely beat and cursed detainees, with Jama being called "an
African monkey," Venetis said. "She was
denied sanitary napkins, so she just bled all over herself once a
month," Venetis said. Charges were dismissed
three years ago against the INS and its officials, with U.S. District Judge
Dickinson R. Debevoise saying the government cannot
be sued. He also dismissed some charges against the company's guards, finding
that individual actions did not rise to the level of international human
rights abuses. But he refused to dismiss all charges against Esmor and its officials. Some 1,600 former Esmor detainees got a $2.5 million settlement from Esmor in 2005, with most getting less than $1,000 each
after legal fees. That group did not include Jama and the other eight who
sued. Geo, a publicly traded company based in Boca Raton, Fla., reported 2006
profit of $30 million, or $1.68 per share, compared with $7 million, or 47
cents per share a year earlier. It had revenue of $860.9 million in 2006,
compared with $612.9 million in 2005.
March 4, 2007 Courier News
The way Living Waters Lutheran Church describes it, Elizabeth Detention
Facility is a living hell. The church says illegal immigrants, refugees and
asylum seekers are locked in a warehouse without sunlight. Detainees are
denied personal possessions, deprived of privacy and forced into a
dormitory-style room 22 hours a day. Outdoor recreation, the church says, is
a room with only a panel in the ceiling open to the sky. Reports of such
alleged conditions and legal mismanagement have spurred the Hunterdon County
congregation to plan a March 18 prayer vigil outside the center in Elizabeth,
Union County. Short of closing such facilities for good, the church says it
hopes prayer will signal awareness and comfort to those trapped in a
"cruel maze of injustice." "We're interested because, as
people of faith, we have to be," said the Rev. Matthew Cimorelli, the church's pastor. "There is an
overarching message in the Scriptures throughout the Old Testament and also
in the New Testament that says things like care for the widow and the orphan
and the stranger and the alien in your midst. ... We care about the detainees
in the Elizabeth Detention Center because it's a mandate from God to do so.
They're the least. They're the alien. They're the stranger in our
midst." And Living Waters isn't alone. The Rev. Bruce H. Davidson,
director of the New Jersey Synod's Lutheran Office of Governmental Ministry,
said Living Waters is one of many congregations heeding the synod's call to
learn what goes on inside the facility and to take turns gathering there.
Davidson estimates the synod -- which encompasses 192 congregations
throughout the state -- has attempted to draw attention to the center for the
past 10 years. For the past two, Davidson said, the synod has adopted
official resolutions calling for better treatment of detainees. "We're
not questioning that there needs to be controls in place," Davidson
said. "We feel the controls in place, if they are followed, will not
only provide protection of our borders but would also make sure people who
find themselves in this situation are not abused." Civil rights groups
such as the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey also have decried
the treatment of detainees. In an article last year, the ACLU estimated that
roughly 1,100 immigrants were being held in a half-dozen county jails
throughout the state as well as the Elizabeth Detention Facility. "Who
are these individuals? Mostly, they are people who have overstayed their visas
or are otherwise not in legal status," the ACLU wrote of New Jersey's
detainees. "But many are asylum seekers fleeing persecution in their
native countries, only to find themselves arrested at U.S. airports. Most
have families, jobs and community ties in New Jersey. They are your
neighbors, friends, colleagues or even family members." Assistant Warden
Charlotte Collins, who said "we welcome all peaceful vigils,"
declined to comment on the treatment of Elizabeth's detainees and the
conditions inside the facility. The center is operated under the federal
Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the Corrections Corporation
of America. The Immigration and Customs Enforcement Web site describes the
facility as "a temporary detention center for individuals who are
waiting for their immigration status to be determined or who are awaiting
repatriation." But some churches and immigrant rights organizations
counter that the Department of Homeland Security, the agency ultimately
responsible for detention standards, regularly violates its own rules. In
January, 84 immigration detainees, the National Immigration Project of the
National Lawyers Guild and six other immigrant rights organizations announced
a joint petition to the Department of Homeland Security asking the agency to
adopt universal, binding regulations for detainees. "The need for
enforceable, uniform standards that establish clear lines of accountability
is especially critical in light of the patchwork system of detention
currently employed to house detainees," including local jails, the
groups wrote. For Davidson, an immediate hope is that detainees have their
cases decided quickly and in accordance with international law while
detention centers preserve detainees' safety and human dignity. Although Davidson
acknowledged the synod's efforts have yet to prompt legislative response, he
said past vigils -- especially those attended by young people -- have
successfully raised awareness. "I think it changed people's minds about
immigration and also about the way we sometimes treat people," Davidson
said. "So, I think just the experience of bringing people to this place
and letting them know what happens, that is powerful enough to get people to
change their mind about this issue and to become active and make things
different." Said Cimorelli, Living Water's
pastor: "We can't just sit in our churches and sing songs and say that's
serving God. You serve God by loving your neighbor. And God is pretty clear
about who the neighbor is."
September 7, 2005 AP
Immigrants who claimed they were abused at a detention center won a $2.5
million settlement from a private company that operated the center for the
federal government. After legal fees, some 1,600 detainees will divide about
$1.5 million based on how long they were held and what they said was done to
them, the New Jersey Law Journal reported this week. U.S. District Judge
Dickinson R. Debevoise, in Newark, approved the
settlement Aug. 10. The detainees were being held at the Elizabeth center
between August 1994 and June 1995 for what was then called the Immigration
and Naturalization Service. Many have since been deported. The center was
operated by Esmor Correctional Services, then based
in Melville, N.Y., until shortly after a June 1995 riot, when about 100
immigrants broke windows, destroyed furniture and overpowered guards,
claiming they had suffered physical abuse and other inhumane conditions. The
INS closed the center and fired Esmor after its
investigation found that poorly trained guards abused the detainees physically
and mentally, gave them spoiled food and deprived them of sleep. The
detention center reopened in January 1997 after renovations were completed by
its new operator, Corrections Corp. of America, of Nashville, Tenn. Still
pending is a related lawsuit against Esmor, now
known as Correctional Services Corp., of Sarasota, Fla., by nine detainees
who claim that political asylum seekers were abused and harassed at the
center.
November 17, 2004 AP
Evidence shows political asylum seekers were abused and harassed while
detained at a privately operated facility that lacked clean food, clothes and
bedding, a federal judge found as he refused to dismiss a lawsuit by nine
immigrants. "You don't need to beat someone to a pulp until they're
ready to die to violate human rights law," said the lawyer, Penny M. Venetis, associate director of the Constitutional Law
Clinic at Rutgers School of Law-Newark. The ruling, filed Nov. 10 by U.S.
District Judge Dickinson R. Debevoise in Newark, is
the latest milestone in a lawsuit filed in 1997 against what was then called
the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the company that ran its
detention center in Elizabeth. The judge dismissed charges against the INS
and its officials, saying the government cannot be sued. He also dismissed
some charges against the company's guards, finding that individual actions
did not rise to the level of international human rights abuses, Venetis said. But he refused to dismiss all charges
against Correctional Services Corp. and its officials. The Sarasota,
Fla.-based company was known as Esmor Corp. when it
operated the INS detention center. The judge said the evidence showed that
detention center administrator Willard Stovall was "fully aware" of
abuses, and listed 21 examples, including the beatings of detainees and the
sexual assault of one female detainee. Other examples cited by the judge were
sexual harassment that included guards watching women detainees take showers,
broken toilets, defective heating, and lack of access to supplies such as
toothbrushes and toothpaste. In addition, guards interfered with detainees'
efforts to practice their religions, whether they were Christian, Hindu or
Muslim, the judge said. The Elizabeth center was operated by Esmor, then based in Melville, N.Y., until shortly after
a June 1995 riot, when about 100 immigrants broke windows, destroyed
furniture and overpowered guards, claiming they suffered physical abuse and
other inhumane conditions. The INS closed the center and fired Esmor after its investigation found that poorly trained
guards abused the detainees physically and mentally, gave them spoiled food
and deprived them of sleep. The detention center reopened in January 1997
after renovations were completed by its new operator, Corrections Corp. of America,
of Nashville, Tenn.
September 21, 2001
A Nigerian man whose accounts of abuse spawned a staff shake-up and reforms
at the Elizabeth Detention Center has been freed after spending nearly four
years behind bars. An immigration judge granted Oluwole Aboyade, 23, relief from deportation under a United
Nations convention against torture. In 1999, Aboyade
and Salah Dafali, another detainee, accused guards
at the privately run detention center of beating them after they complained
about conditions. The center was operated by Corrections Corp. of America of
Nashville, Tenn. A subsequent INS investigation found many of the
accusations were credible. Several guards and supervisors were
reassigned, and INS officials demanded that the chief of security be transferred
out of the facility. The warden also resigned, citing personal reasons.
(Naples Daily News)
Dozens of detainees have started a
hunger strike to protest conditions and what they call an unfair parole
process and demanded reinstitution of cancelled English classes and an end to
abusive behavior by guards. (New York Times, Oct.15, 2000)
Nearly 100 detainees stage a hunger
strike to protest what they considered tough parole criteria. Immigration
officials promised to review parole requests and to study ways to increase
the quantity of food and lower prices of telephone cards used by detainees.
(New York Times, Oct.15, 2000)
A pending lawsuit alleges that "a
policy or practice that authorized CCA staff to use abusive practices to
control and discipline."
Essex County Jail
Essex County, New Jersey
Community Education Centers, Gourmet Dining (formerly run by Aramark)
August 16, 2011 The Star-Ledger
The federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency is re-examining its
deal with Essex County to house 1,250 immigrant detainees after the county
announced it would throw out a controversial bid to hold them in a private
facility run by a politically-connected firm. Days after signing a five-year
contract with ICE, county officials said today they will seek another round
of bids from vendors after only receiving one application for the project
from Education and Health Centers of America, a nonprofit with ties to both
Essex County Executive Joseph DiVincenzo Jr. and Gov. Chris Christie. Essex
County officials said they now hope to secure a vendor by January. In the
wake of the county’s announcement this afternoon, the immigration agency said
it had not been informed of the change and released a terse statement.
"ICE may need to renegotiate or modify the terms of our current
(agreement) with the county," said spokeswoman Gillian Christensen. But
county officials tried to downplay the change. "The public bid we issued
for a vendor to house immigration detainees in a private facility was
canceled, because Essex can save $600,000 by using an existing
contract," DiVincenzo said in a written statement. In response to ICE’s
plan to re-evaluate the deal, DiVincenzo said there must be some confusion,
and he would contact the agency in the morning. "We already have a contract
(with ICE). … I don’t know where they’re coming from," he said last
night. For about five years, the county has had a contract with Delaney Hall,
a private correctional facility on Doremus Avenue
in Newark run by the for-profit Community Education Centers. Now the county
will house immigrant detainees there under the existing contract, which ends
Dec. 31. CEC contracts with the nonprofit Education and Health Centers of
America, which in July put in a bid to house 450 ICE detainees at the
facility. County officials said the move would also save about $17 a day for
each detainee under the old contract. After the contract expires, detainees
there could be relocated if another bidder is selected. The rest of the
detainees will be housed at the county jail. "This does seem really odd.
Really odd," said Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program
with the Newark chapter of the American Friends Service Committee. "It
does make me think that the exposure of the unorthodox bidding process, the
non-transparency of the bidding process, has maybe raised some
questions." Gottlieb and others, including Sen. Frank Lautenberg,
criticized the bid process calling for more transparency. The county came
under fire after the Education and Health Centers of America was the only
bidder for the contract. John Clancy, a former county youth services
official, heads both the Education and Health Centers of America and the
Community Education Centers and has contributed tens of thousands of dollars
to the campaigns of county and state officials. In addition to Clancy, a
close friend and former law-firm colleague of the governor, William
Palatucci, serves as a senior vice president for Community Education Centers.
Today, Palatucci referred most questions to the county. "We currently
have a contractual relationship with Essex County through the end of the
year. We’ll have to wait and see to see what happens," he said.
Palatucci emphasized the company’s long relationship with county government.
"We have a good, strong track record for 11 years. We’d expect that to
continue in one shape or form going forward," he said. Ralph Caputo,
vice president of the county freeholder board and chairman of the public
safety committee, said the freeholders will review the contract with ICE at
their Wednesday meeting. He said the bid from Education and Health Centers of
America may not have been the best fit because of the timing. The ICE
contract is for five years, while the bid from Education and Health Centers
of America was for two years with an option to extend it. Caputo said
although the bid process has been controversial, he thinks the county is
trying to do it right. "I don’t think any of it was wrong," he
said. "I think they just went a little too fast." DiVincenzo also
said that Philip Alagia will serve in a new
position as county director of ICE programs, adding $30,000 to his $108,645
salary as DiVincenzo’s chief of staff.
August 12, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County and the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency
have signed a new, five-year agreement that could nearly triple the number of
federal immigration detainees being held in Newark and generate as much as
$50 million a year for the county, ICE officials said today. Under the
contract, up to 1,250 detainees would be held at the Essex County Jail and
the privately-run Delaney Hall. About 465 detainees are now held at the jail
on an average day. Gillian Christensen, a spokeswoman for ICE, said the deal
was signed Thursday. Anthony Puglisi, a spokesman for Essex County, said
yesterday the county would have no comment until it officially announces the
deal. The county freeholders still need to sign off on the agreement.
Christensen said the contract calls for Essex County to receive $108 per
detainee per day over the life of the contract. A similar arrangement, drawn
up in 2008 at the rate of $105 per detainee per day, generated about $22
million for the county last year and is expected to bring in nearly $28
million this year, officials have said. The financial arrangement has come
under fire from opponents to federal immigration policy, who say that the
county is profiting from misguided mandates. "Essex County has shown
that profits come before human rights," said Karina Wilkinson, a
co-founder of the Middlesex County Coalition for Immigrant Rights and a
frequent critic of Essex County’s detention policies. "We are
disappointed that the Obama administration is continuing to expand detention
and deportation to record levels, tearing communities apart." The new
contract gives ICE access to 800 beds at the county jail and up to 450 beds
at the adjacent Delaney Hall, Christensen said. In recent weeks, detractors
have argued the specifications in the county’s bid request seeking housing
for an additional 450 detainees was tailor-made for a politically connected
company. Education and Health Centers of America, based in Wall Township,
submitted the only bid. The non-profit firm has contracted with the county to
provide rehabilitation and other services for more than a decade. In January,
the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services contract with
EHCA. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney Hall, a residential
facility for criminal offenders that prepares them for re-entry into society.
Although EHCA is a nonprofit, it subcontracted its service contracts to
Community Education Centers, a for-profit company with which it is
affiliated, according to state officials. Both companies are headed by John
Clancy, a former county youth services official who has contributed tens of
thousands of dollars to the campaign of county and state officials, according
to state elections records. Freeholder Ralph Caputo said the board would meet
with county administrators as soon as Monday to discuss both the contract and
EHCA’s bid. "The basic objective is we want to be able to benefit the
county with a tremendous amount of revenue, but we want to do it
appropriately," Caputo said today. "There are a lot of specifics
that have to addressed."
July 30, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County officials are coming under heavy criticism over how they handled
the bidding process for a facility to house federal immigration detainees, a
contract potentially worth tens of millions of dollars. U.S. Sen. Frank
Lautenberg (D-N.J.) and immigration advocates are questioning whether the
request’s specifications were tailor-made for Education and Health Centers of
America, a politically connected firm that submitted the sole bid by
Thursday’s deadline. Specifications for the contract, which call for housing
at least 450 detainees, include that the facility be located within a
two-hour drive of Newark, New York and Philadelphia and within a 10-mile
radius of the Essex County Jail on Doremus Avenue
in Newark; that the successful bidder have a facility already being used for
correctional purposes; and that it be within 20 miles of a major airport.
EHCA has contracted with the county to provide rehabilitation and other
services for more than a decade. "This smacks of some kind of a backdoor
deal," said Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program with
the Newark chapter of the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker
faith-based organization. "It really seems to show the process was not
open." Gottlieb said the bid process raised "serious
questions," particularly since the contract involves incarceration.
"The stakes are high. This isn’t a game," she said. "You’re
talking about depriving people’s liberty." In a letter to John Morton,
director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Lautenberg, the vice
chairman of a Senate subcommittee that oversees federal funding to ICE,
questioned whether the county’s bidding process was "entirely fair, open
and transparent." Before any agreement is finalized, Lautenberg wrote,
"I am requesting that ICE carefully examine the terms and conditions of
such an agreement, as well as the manner in which Essex County intends to
satisfy its obligations under the agreement in order to ensure that it fully
complies with all applicable law." County officials did not make the bid
available, saying it can only be inspected after a formal public-information
request is submitted and processed. An attorney for the company, William Harla, said the company’s bid would be judged solely on
its merits. "EHCA did not ask for any special position in the
process," Harla said in an e-mail. EHCA has
reaped about $500 million in county and state Department of Corrections
contracts since 1997, according to a state comptroller’s report last month.
In January, the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services
contract with the company. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney
Hall, a residential center on Doremus Avenue for
criminal offenders that prepares them for re-entry into society. Although
EHCA is a nonprofit, it sub-contracted its service contracts to a for-profit
affiliate, Community Education Centers, according to state officials. Both
companies are headed by John Clancy, a former county youth services official
who has contributed tens of thousands of dollars to the campaign of county
and state officials, according to state elections records. Besides Clancy,
who also served as president of the New Jersey Association for Youth Services
and the chairman of the county’s Family Court Commission, William Palatucci,
a close friend and former law firm colleague of Gov. Chris Christie, works
for Community Education Centers. Clancy and Community Education Centers have
made hundreds of thousands of dollars in political contributions to county
and state candidates over the years, including the most recent re-election
campaign for Essex County Executive Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr. Those
contributions have come under scrutiny from critics of the county’s ICE
contracts. Clancy, though, has said that "a battery of attorneys" have
determined his contributions are clearly within legal bounds. In a statement,
DiVincenzo said Lautenberg’s suspicions were misplaced. "While most
senators would fight for additional revenue to lower taxes and create jobs
for their constituents, Senator Frank Lautenberg has channeled his energy
into preventing Essex County’s taxpayers from receiving $50 million in
revenue," DiVincenzo said. The statement said the county fosters open
and competitive pricing "so that we can obtain the most professionally delivered
and cost efficient services for our residents."
July 18, 2010 The Star-Ledger
Aramark is the giant of America’s food-service industry, topping Fortune’s
list of the "World’s Most Admired Companies." So when Aramark,
whose menu runs the gamut from lobster rolls at Boston’s Fenway Park to meals
for most of New Jersey’s county inmates, came up short on a $12 million
contract, it flexed its legal muscle. In a tug-of-war featuring a debate over
pennies per meal and highlighting a criminal case against a competitor’s
food-service executive, the Philadelphia giant fought a court ruling giving
New Jersey competitor Gourmet Dining the very Essex County jail contract
Aramark snatched from Gourmet in 2004. Then it relented. The 4-inch thick
stack of legal briefs and exhibits is now closed. But the legal battle —
brief as it was — offers insights into the clash of a food-service titan and
its smaller competitor in the sometimes murky world of competitive bidding.
On one hand, Aramark Correctional Services bid $1.32 a meal for each inmate,
technically making it the lowest bidder. On the other, Gourmet Dining bid
$1.42, technically losing. But Essex County rejected Aramark, saying its
per-meal pricing wasn’t really "firm," as required by the bid
specifications, and threw open the bidding anew — an action Gourmet says was
a "thinly veiled attempt" to give Aramark time to fix its defective
bid. On April 1, Madison-based Gourmet sued, making references to Aramark’s
"monopoly" and asserting that its bid would actually save Essex
$1.16 million over 3 years. Aramark countered, saying Gourmet was not a
"responsible bidder" since the man it would put in charge of meals
at the Essex County Correctional Facility had been fired by Aramark for
embezzling funds. "It’s a good old-fashioned game of chicken,"
Professor Larry Bennett of the Whitman School of Management at Syracuse
University said of the legal punches and counter-punches. It’s the second
time the food-service competitors have squared off in a New Jersey courtroom.
Just 16 months ago, Gourmet Dining won a ruling in Monmouth County, snatching
a contract initially awarded to Aramark for that county’s inmates.
"We’re pretty happy with it," Savino Russoniello
Jr., the West Orange attorney representing Gourmet Dining, said of the latest
outcome. "The county is going to be saving money with the new contract.
The taxpayers are the winners here." That’s not the way Aramark sees it.
"Our proposal would have provided the county with $800,000 in savings
over the term of the contract compared with the selected bid," said
Sarah Jarvis, an Aramark spokeswoman. But Aramark, which held Essex County’s
contract from 2004 til now, wasn’t burning any
bridges. "We delivered outstanding service to Essex County over the past
seven years and hope we have the opportunity to do so again," she said.
To James Paganelli, Essex County’s chief county
counsel, the truth lies somewhere in the great divide. "They’re both
going to give you a competing analysis," he said. Gourmet Dining’s legal
complaint was just that, and a painstaking one. Gourmet, whose $40 million a
year in revenues includes serving means to undergrads at Seton Hall
University and executives at Hertz, asserted that Aramark was able to push up
the price it charges for an inmate meal in Essex by 49 percent from March
2004 to May 2009. That was, in part, the basis for its argument that
Aramark’s latest bid was not based on a "firm price" as required by
the bid specifications, according to the lawsuit. On Feb. 18, Gourmet Dining
protested in a letter to Essex County. Less than a month later, Essex
rejected Aramark’s bid on the basis that it did not submit a "firm
quote" and sent a memorandum of agreement to Gourmet Dining. But on
March 26, the county instead rejected all bids and opted to rebid, altering
the terms, noting "confusing and misleading" bid wording that
created "uncertainty," and adding a provision disqualifying any
bidder on the basis of a key executive’s criminal record. On June 23, in a
5-page opinion, Superior Court Judge Claude Coleman, sitting in Newark,
rejected Essex’s decision to reopen the bids and ordered the county to award
the contract to Gourmet. "Rejecting all bids was improper, without sound
reasons, and was an abuse of discretion," Coleman ruled. "Aramark’s
bid was not in compliance with the bid specifications." As for the
former Aramark employee about to handle Gourmet Dining’s Essex contract, he
pled guilty of theft by deception, was sentenced to probation and ordered to
attend Gamblers Anonymous, according to court papers. Paganelli,
the county counsel, said he listened to the judge’s advice on that issue.
"Judge Coleman said, ‘You have the right to pick whoever that leader is
going to be. Just tell them that person is not acceptable to you, and they’ll
get you another person." Did Essex follow through? Paganelli
was succinct. "Yep," he said.
Giants Stadium
New Jersey
Aramark
December 3, 2008 Star-Ledger
The family of a young girl paralyzed in a drunk-driving accident nine
years ago received a $25 million settlement from Aramark Corp., the Giants
Stadium beer vendor whose employees continued to serve the intoxicated fan
who caused the crash. The settlement with the family of Antonia Verni, who is now 11, took place last year but was not
disclosed until today, when a state appeals court ruled that sealed documents
in the case must be made public. Antonia, a quadriplegic who requires a
ventilator to breathe, received $23.5 million in the settlement, said the
family's lawyer, David A. Mazie of Roseland. Her mother, Fazila Verni, received $1.5 million for injuries she suffered in
the crash.
October 25, 2007 The Record
On a fall Sunday eight years ago, Antonia Verni
of Cliffside Park was sent to a harsh prison, probably for the rest of her
life. Her incarceration does not include steel bars, stone walls and stern
guards, though. Antonia's prison is far more merciless. On that Sunday, a man
who later said he was "beyond drunk," drove his pickup truck
head-on into the Verni family's Toyota Corolla.
Antonia was paralyzed from the neck down. She was only 2 years old and was
returning with her mother and father from a trip to pick pumpkins. Antonia
now spends her days in a wheelchair, hooked to a breathing machine and
monitored by a nurse. Over the course of her life, her parents, who quit
their jobs to care for her, may have to come up with as much as $32 million
to pay all of Antonia's medical bills. The fiery crash on Terrace Avenue in
Hasbrouck Heights, which also left Antonia's mother partially blind,
galvanized national attention to the dangers of drunken drivers. But it
raised other questions, too: What about those who serve booze to drunks? Are
servers guilty? If not, why not? The drunken driver, Daniel Lanzaro, a Cresskill carpenter and father of two young
sons, spent that tragic day swilling the equivalent of three six-packs of
beer, mostly inside Giants Stadium. When he rammed his truck into the Verni car, his blood alcohol level was more than three
times the legal limit. Didn't anyone who sold beer at Giants Stadium or at area
bars later visited by Lanzaro notice that he was
blind drunk? As you might expect, this tragedy landed in court. Lanzaro pleaded guilty to a criminal charge of vehicular
assault and was sentenced to five years in prison. The Verni
family filed a lawsuit, and won a historic $135 million judgment, with $105
million of it to come from the stadium beer vendor, Aramark Corp. Aramark
appealed – no surprise there. Nor was it surprising that lawyers for
Antonia's family and Aramark privately worked out a settlement, approved last
week by a Bergen County judge. What's surprising – and sad -- is that the
judge sealed the records. This pivotal chapter of Antonia's story needs to be
told, not locked in a judicial file drawer. We've heard many times how
drunken driving wrecks innocent lives. Indeed, such stories are important.
But we also need to explore other, wide-ranging implications of drunken
driving, especially for those who sell booze in taverns or at public sporting
events. Our government issues liquor licenses to these vendors. Why shouldn't
taxpayers know more about them? Sealing records in such an important court
case does not add to constructive discourse. It puts a damper on it. In
reaching an agreement with Antonia's family, Aramark issued a statement claiming
it "settled the litigation without any admission of wrongdoing." It
merely paid Antonia's family – as if that means nothing. Antonia's parents
seem satisfied that the settlement will cover their daughter's medical bills.
That's good news. But why not disclose the amount? Knowing the size of the
judgment might be a warning to vendors to be careful. And why allow Aramark
to avoid admitting any responsibility? Or was that question dropped from
discussions? More important, was Giants Stadium required to take additional
steps to make sure tipsy fans are not served at future events? Open those
records. It's the only way to be sure.
September 7, 2006 Star-Ledger
Lawyers for a Bergen County girl paralyzed in a drunken-driving accident have
asked the state Supreme Court to review her case against the beer vendor at
Giants Stadium, claiming the issues could affect drunken-driving policies in
New Jersey. The attorneys argue that a state appeals court erred in August
when it overturned a landmark $135 million jury verdict against the stadium
vendor, Aramark Corp., and a fan whose drunken-driving accident left
2-year-old Antonia Verni of Cliffside Park
paralyzed. The appeals court ordered a new trial, ruling that testimony about
the "culture of intoxication" at the stadium should not have been
presented to the jury. Antonia's attorneys disagree. "If this decision
is allowed to stand, it will emasculate the ability of victims of drunk
driving to go after liquor establishments that serve visibly intoxicated
patrons, by eliminating certain evidence that can go before a jury, and
that's not what the law ... intended," said Antonia's attorney, David
Mazie, who filed a 25-page petition to the state Supreme Court on Tuesday.
August 3, 2006 AP
A New Jersey appeals court on Thursday overturned a landmark $105 million
verdict against a Giants Stadium concessionaire that sold beer to a drunken
football fan who later caused an auto accident, leaving a girl paralyzed. The
three-judge appeals panel ruled that the trial court erred by improperly
allowing testimony about the “drinking environment at the stadium” and
ordered a new trial should be held. “The admission of this evidence cannot be
considered harmless. A central theme of plaintiffs’ case was the culture of
intoxication at the stadium,” the court wrote in its 65-page ruling. Last
year, a state judge in Hackensack rejected an effort by Philadelphia-based
Aramark Corp. to throw out or reduce the verdict. Its vendors sold beer to
Daniel Lanzaro, of Cresskill, during a 1999 New York
Giants game just hours before he caused a car crash that left then-2-year-old
Antonia Verni paralyzed from the neck down. In
January 2005, a Bergen County jury said Lanzaro and
Aramark should pay a total of $135 million in damages. At the time, legal experts
said it was the largest alcohol liability award in the United States in at
least the last 25 years. Aramark’s portion of that award included $30 million
in compensatory damages and $75 million in punitive damages.
May 31, 2006 NewJersey.com
Lawyers for a food-service giant that was ordered to pay $105 million to the
family of a Cliffside Park girl paralyzed in a drunken-driving crash argued
Tuesday that the victim's father shares responsibility for her condition.
Antonia Verni was 2 years old when a truck driven
by a drunken Cresskill man slammed head-on into her family's sedan on Terrace
Avenue in Hasbrouck Heights on Oct. 29, 1999. A Bergen County jury in January
2005 ruled that employees of Aramark Corp. irresponsibly sold beer to the
drunken driver, Daniel Lanzaro, contributing to the
crash. The jurors awarded more than $135 million in compensatory and punitive
damages – an amount many lawyers believe is the largest ever in such a
lawsuit. Aramark is liable for $105 million and Lanzaro
the rest. Arguing before a state appellate panel in Trenton on Tuesday,
Aramark attorneys lambasted Superior Court Judge Richard Donohue for
dismissing evidence that they said should have been admitted during the civil
case in Hackensack. For one thing, they contended, Ronald Verni
had strapped Antonia in an adult seat belt instead of a child restraint. The
impact jolted her head forward, breaking her neck and causing the paralysis,
they said. Antonia's mother, Fazila Baksh Verni,
was the only other person seriously injured in the crash. The woman, who the
lawyers said wasn't wearing a seat belt, was hospitalized for two months and
left partially blinded. "Everyone walked away from the accident, except
Antonia and her mother," said Aramark lawyer Michael Rodburg.
However, he said, the jurors in Hackensack were never allowed to review that
evidence during the trial. "This was a smear case against Aramark,"
he said. "And the judge allowed it."
January 26, 2006 Star-Ledger
A lawyer for an 8-year-old paralyzed car crash victim has filed a motion to
expedite the appeal of a $135 million jury verdict, most of it against the
beer service company at Giants Stadium. Attorney David Mazie of Roseland said
the state appellate court should speed up the case because his client, Antonia
Verni, is ventilator-dependent and has been unable
to get the 24-hour nursing care that experts on both sides of the case
recommend. Neither Antonia nor her mother, Fazila, has been able to collect
the money while the case is pending, Mazie said. "It's very unusual to
file an appeal to expedite," Mazie said. "It's only done in the
gravest of cases. We think her situation is one such case. This is to prevent
something catastrophic from happening." Last January, Antonia and her
mother were awarded $135 million in compensatory and punitive damages, most
of it against Aramark Corp., the concessionaire at Giants Stadium. A jury
determined there was a "culture of intoxication" at the stadium and
found Aramark guilty of serving a visibly drunk fan who later caused the car
crash that left the Cliffside Park girl injured. Aramark appealed, but a
state appellate court could take until September to hear arguments. Antonia's
court-appointed legal guardian for the case, Albert Burstein, said the
second-grader can't wait that long to collect her award. He said the family
only has limited access to about $500,000 collected in settlements from third
parties. "There's not enough money to match the daily costs of taking
care of Antonia," Burstein said. "If we were to do the job we would
like to do on her behalf, which means round-the-clock care by professionals,
it adds up very rapidly." Antonia has a nurse during school hours, paid
for by the school district. Her mother, who has no formal medical training,
cares for Antonia at home.
September 25, 2005 San Francisco
Chronicle
Fans who drive after drinking excessively at 49ers or Raiders games, or any
other sporting event, would be well advised to consider the plight of an
8-year-old New Jersey girl. And a vendor who sells an intoxicated fan another
beer should think not only about the little girl but about the
multimillion-dollar judgment a jury ruled she and her family were entitled to
receive earlier this year from the New York Giants' concessionaire.
"Concessionaires throughout the country are well aware of that
case," NFL spokesman Greg Aiello said. In January, a jury awarded $135
million to the family of Antonia Verni, who was
paralyzed from the neck down in a car wreck caused by a drunken football fan.
The fan is serving a five-year prison sentence, and the concessionaire whose
employees sold him beers when he was already clearly intoxicated will pay the
family $110 million unless the verdict, currently on appeal, is reduced or
reversed. The NFL, the 49ers and the Raiders say the Verni
case was a wakeup call for the league and the people who serve fans millions
of dollars worth of beer and other alcoholic
beverages each season. Like other pro sports leagues, the NFL is heavily
intertwined with beer companies. Their signage is as much a part of stadiums
as the goalposts, and their commercials form the backbone of the league's TV
sponsorship. Attorney David Mazie said from his office in Roseland, N.J.,
"Quite frankly, I haven't heard anything that demonstrates the NFL and teams
have changed their policies on serving alcohol -- other than paying lip
service. I haven't seen anything at all." Mazie called the verdict
against Aramark "a milestone" in holding a concessionaire
accountable. "There may have been settlements before, but I'm not aware
of any verdicts. Clearly, it's a landmark, not only because of its size but
because of the punitive damages."Lanzaro
"was trashed" when the accident occurred, Mazie said. "I'm
sure there were 5,000 others in the same condition (driving away from the
game)." "As long as you're not falling down, they'll serve
you," Mazie said of Aramark employees. "The person who trained them
said that. But by the time you're slurring your speech or stumbling, your
blood-alcohol is between .10 and .15. Anything above .08 is drunk driving, so
what they're saying is they'll still serve people when they're at twice the
legal limit." "There are a series of signs -- slurring of speech,
talking a lot, not being able to hold themselves up straight," spokesman
David Freireich said from the firm's headquarters
in Philadelphia. Aramark is a founding member of the Techniques for Effective
Alcohol Management (TEAM) Coalition, a nonprofit group that advises pro
sports leagues and sponsors designated-driver programs at McAfee Coliseum and
other parks, Freireich pointed out.
March 4, 2005 USA Today
A state judge on Friday upheld a $105 million verdict against a Giants
Stadium concessionaire for selling beer to a drunken football fan who later
caused an auto accident, leaving a girl paralyzed. State Superior Court Judge
Richard J. Donohue in Hackensack rejected an effort by Philadelphia-based
Aramark Corp. to throw out or reduce the verdict. Its vendors sold beer to
Daniel Lanzaro of Cresskill during a 1999 New York
Giants game hours before he caused a car crash that left then 2-year-old
Antonia Verni paralyzed from the neck down.
"It sends a message to Aramark and other beer concessions around the
state that they have to change their ways," said David Mazie, a Roseland
lawyer representing Verni's family. Aramark's
portion of that award included $30 million in compensatory damages and $75
million in punitive damages. Interest accruing daily has brought the
company's total to nearly $110 million, according to Mazie. The family
claimed Aramark vendors sold beers to Lanzaro at
the stadium in East Rutherford even though he was clearly drunk. The company,
they said, fostered an atmosphere in which intoxicated patrons were able to
buy more.
January 21, 2005 Reuters
The family of a girl paralyzed in a car crash caused by a drunken football
fan won $105 million in damages from the concessionaire that sold him beer,
and the girl's father said on Thursday the case should have far-reaching
effects. The
Superior Court jury in Hackensack, New Jersey, assessed punitive damages on
Wednesday against Giants Stadium concessionaire Aramark Corp., for its role
in the October 1999 accident that left Antonia Verni,
then 2 years old, paralyzed from the neck down.
January 18, 2005 AP
A jury awarded $60 million Tuesday to the family of a girl paralyzed in a car
wreck caused by a drunken football fan. Ronald and Fazila Verni
were headed home from a pumpkin-picking trip in 1999 with their 2-year-old
daughter, Antonia, when their car was hit by a truck driven by Daniel Lanzaro, 34. Antonia was paralyzed from the neck down.
The family sued Aramark, the Giants Stadium concessionaire, claiming vendors
sold beers to Lanzaro even though he was clearly
drunk and that Aramark fostered an atmosphere in which intoxicated patrons
were served. The stadium also mandates that fans can only buy two beers at a
time -- a rule Lanzaro sidestepped by tipping the
vendor $10, allowing him to buy six beers.
January 14, 2005 WNBC News
Jury deliberations have begun in a civil lawsuit filed by the family of a
7-year-old girl who was paralyzed when a drunken football fan on his way home
from a New York Giants game crashed into the family's car. The family claims
Aramark, the Giants Stadium concessionaire that sold beers to the fan, was
partly responsible for the crash in Hasbrouck Heights. The family claims
Aramark vendors sold beers to Daniel Lanzaro at the
stadium even though the Cresskill man was clearly drunk and that Aramark
"fostered" an atmosphere where intoxicated patrons were served,
which is against the law.
January 12, 2005 NewJersey.com
An admitted alcoholic who slammed his truck into a Cliffside Park family's
car, paralyzing their 2-year-old daughter, wasn't visibly drunk when he
bought beer at Giants Stadium earlier that day, an alcohol expert told jurors
Tuesday. Robert
J. Pandina, a psychology professor and director of
the Center of Alcohol Studies at Rutgers University, said Daniel Lanzaro of Cresskill couldn't have had more than five or
six beers inside the stadium. The
parents of the injured girl are suing Aramark, the food-service company that
holds the liquor license at the stadium, saying it sold alcohol irresponsibly
to Lanzaro. Lanzaro, a
35-year-old carpenter and father of two, left a Giants game on Oct. 24, 1999,
and crashed his truck head-on into the car of Ronald and Fazila Baksh Verni in Hasbrouck Heights. The crash seriously injured
Baksh Verni and left the Vernis'
daughter, Antonia, a paraplegic. The family is suing Aramark under a state
law that holds vendors liable for damages caused by patrons who were served
alcohol while visibly intoxicated.
December 9, 2004 Star-Ledger
Sitting in her wheelchair with a stuffed doll propping her head, unable to
move her arms or legs, 7-year-old Antonia Verni
told a jury yesterday what she wants to be when she grows up. "I want to
be a singer, a rock star, a kindergarten teacher and a ballerina," Verni said, her melodic voice filling the tiny courtroom.
Two jurors cried. Others shifted in their seats. Doctors say the Cliffside Park
girl will never be able to walk as a result of a car accident when she was 2
years old, when a drunken football fan rammed his truck into her family's car
as they were driving home from pumpkin picking. Verni
testified on the second day of a civil trial in Superior Court in Bergen
County in a case against Aramark, the Giants Stadium concessionaire that sold
beers to the fan who crashed into the Vernis,
Daniel Lanzaro.
December 9, 2004 NorthJersey.com
A drunken driver who rammed his truck into a young family's car in
Hasbrouck Heights - paralyzing a 2-year-old girl for life and landing himself
in prison for five years - openly admits that he was "beyond drunk"
in the 1999 accident. But the buck doesn't stop there, lawyers for the
Cliffside Park family contend. Aramark's beer servers, who sold more than a
dozen beers to the driver at Giants Stadium during a game, are equally
responsible, say the lawyers, who have taken the battle to the multinational
food-service conglomerate. As a civil trial opened Wednesday in Superior
Court in Hackensack, the first witness for the Verni
family was Daniel Lanzaro, the drunken driver, who
is still in prison. Lanzaro is a defendant, but is
penniless and is testifying willingly. He testified that Aramark concession
stands - contrary to state law and the company's internal rules - sold
alcohol at the stadium to visibly intoxicated patrons. Aramark's lawyer,
Brian Harris, told the jury during his opening statement that Lanzaro was a seasoned drinker who didn't display signs
of intoxication when he was drunk. Even though Aramark's beer sellers are
trained in identifying intoxicated people, Lanzaro
fooled them, he said.
Gloucester County Jail
Woodbury, New Jersey
Prison Health Services
Dec
13, 2014 courierpostonline.com
Medical staff at Gloucester County’s jail violated a prisoner’s civil rights
by failing to diagnose his lung cancer or treat it, according to a civil
lawsuit. Charles Goodlet, 68, was sentenced in
October 2012 to 180 days in the former county jail for violating probation on
a 1994 weapons possession conviction. The Philadelphia man served only three
months before a Superior Court judge ordered his release due to worsening
symptoms and a “complete deterioration” of his health, the lawsuit indicates.
Goodlet, who died in March 2013, was denied his
civil right to medical treatment while in jail, according to the lawsuit
filed in Gloucester County Superior Court in November by his sister, Barbara
Benson. The civil action was moved last week to federal court in Camden by
Gloucester County’s attorney, Patrick Madden. During his incarceration, Goodlet allegedly complained to jail staff of severe pain
and weakness, suspecting he suffered from a serious illness, according to court
filings. In January, Goodlet — who had lost 45
pounds — was examined by the jail’s doctors and nurses then diagnosed with a
chest cold; prescribed over-the-counter medications; and put back into the
jail’s general population, the lawsuit alleges. The judge ordered his release
on Jan. 22. Paramedics transported Goodlet to the
hospital, where he was diagnosed with lung cancer the same day. He died two
months later. “The jails have an obligation to provide medical treatment to
any of the inmates they are housing,” said Ken Aita,
attorney for Goodlet’s estate. “They never sent him
for any additional diagnostic testing or do anything to figure out what’s
wrong with him.” The suit accuses the county of negligence in Goodlet’s death and violation of a state statute
requiring medical treatment to inmates. The county, which closed the jail in
2013, does not comment on pending litigation, Madden said. Corizon Health,
the county’s health care service provider, did not respond to requests for
comment.
August 29, 2006 Gloucester County Times
A former Gloucester County Jail inmate and his significant other are suing
the county, alleging that he contracted an often drug-resistant staph
infection while locked up and then brought it home. Michael DiFelice of Deptford Township was an inmate at the jail
for seven months, starting on April 11, 2005. Not long after his release on
Nov. 1, DiFelice's "domestic partner"
began exhibiting signs of the same infection, according to the lawsuit filed
in Superior Court. DiFelice and Kelly Filipponi have both been diagnosed with the boil-like
skin infection, according to the lawsuit. The lawsuit alleges that the county
failed to properly inform its staff and inmates of other cases of
methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus. Also named in the lawsuit were
the county department of corrections, the sheriff's department and Prison
Health Services Inc. More than a dozen other lawsuits have been filed against
the county from both former inmates and corrections officers at the jail.
July 13, 2006 Gloucester County
Times
A fifth lawsuit filed against the county claims that a former inmate of
the Gloucester County Jail became infected with staph while incarcerated
there. Brantley Owens of Glassboro allegedly began "exhibiting signs and
symptoms of an infection" caused by staphylococcus aureus bacteria
shortly after his incarceration in August 2004, according to the complaint
filed in Superior Court. Owens claims that jail officials knew of other cases
of the often contagious and drug-resistant skin infection and failed to
notify inmates and put policies in place to minimize or prevent exposure,
according to the suit. Owens' suit is the fifth lodged against the county
concerning staph infection -- one officer and two former inmates previously filed
individual suits, and last month five people, corrections officers and their
spouses, filed a joint suit. The most recent claim names the county, county
freeholders, the county department of corrections, the county Sheriff's
Department, Prison Health Services, Inc., former jail warden John Tevoli and former corrections director W. Stanley Nunn.
County spokeswoman Debra Sellitto declined comment
because the matter is in litigation. Owens' Attorney Scott McKinley, of the
firm Hoffman and DiMuzio, has filed three other
lawsuits on behalf of two former inmates as well as a corrections officer who
claim they contracted staph while at the jail.
March 23, 2006 The Daily Journal
Gloucester County faces a third lawsuit over an outbreak of
drug-resistant staph infections at the county jail in 2003 and 2004. The
latest lawsuit -- filed by Jeffrey Maxie of Johnson City, Tenn., and his
domestic companion, Marlene Byrnes of Westville -- accuses the county of
failing to address the staph outbreak properly. The contagious skin infection
can be fatal if untreated. Byrnes contracted staph from close contact with
Maxie after he left the jail in April 2004, but before he was aware he had
contracted it, said the couple's attorney, Scott C. McKinley. In a lawsuit
filed last week in Gloucester County Superior Court, Maxie contends he
contracted staph while in the jail on an unspecified charge in April 2004.
The county "failed to inform the plaintiffs of the risk of exposure,
failed to prevent said exposure, (and) failed to put procedures or policies
(in) place to eliminate or minimize the risk of exposure," according to
the lawsuit. County Counsel Samuel J. Leone could not be immediately reached
for comment. The lawsuit also names as defendants the county freeholder board;
the county's Department of Correctional Services; the Sheriff's Department;
Prison Health Services Inc., which provides medical care at the jail; former
warden John Tevoli; and W. Stanley Nunn, the former
corrections director.
November 1, 2005 Courier-Post
A former inmate at Gloucester County Jail alleges in a lawsuit that negligent
oversight of the jail caused him to contract a staph infection while he was
incarcerated in 2003. The lawsuit, filed by Joseph Favacchia
of Swedesboro, is the second to accuse the county of failing to properly
address an outbreak of drug-resistant staph infections at the jail in 2003.
The contagious skin infection can be fatal if untreated. Favacchia
contends he contracted staph while in the jail on a violation of probation
charge in November 2003. A year later, Favacchia
learned that county officials had been aware of other cases of staph
infections at the jail but "withheld and fraudulently concealed"
that information, Favacchia contends in his
complaint. The county "failed to inform the plaintiff of the risk of
exposure, failed to prevent said exposure, (and) failed to put procedures or
policies (in) place to eliminate or minimize the risk of exposure,"
according to the lawsuit. The lawsuit also names as defendants the county freeholder
board, the county's Department of Correctional Services, the county Sheriff's
Department, Prison Health Services Inc., which provides medical care at the
jail, former warden John Tevoli and W. Stanley
Nunn, the former corrections director. In September 2004, county freeholders
suspended Tevoli for two weeks without pay after
determining he misled a Citizens Advisory Board about the extent of the staph
outbreak. Tevoli resigned in January after two
years as warden.
Hope Creek, Salem Nuclear Plants
Lower Alloways
Creek Township, New Jersey
Wackenhut
July
26, 2013 northjersey.com
LOWER
ALLOWAYS CREEK TOWNSHIP, N.J. — Federal regulators are worried that a
security manager's firing from a job at a nuclear plant could deter employees
and contractors from questioning safety at one of the nation's largest
nuclear power stations. A federal jury in Camden last month concluded that
the 2009 firing of Robert Scull was in retaliation for the manager's plan to
tell the NRC about his safety concerns at the adjoining Hope Creek and Salem
nuclear plants in Lower Alloways Creek Township,
south of Wilmington, Del. Scull said he did not have enough assistants to
maintain security of the plants, the second-largest nuclear generating
facility in the U.S. He was awarded $400,000 and has since made court filings
asking for his old job back. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission sent a letter
to plant operator PSEG Nuclear on Friday asking it to detail what actions the
company was taking to ensure the firing doesn't have a chilling effect on
other would-be whistleblowers. PSEG said in a statement that it is taking the
matter seriously. "We are confident that the right nuclear
safety-conscious work environment still exists within PSEG Nuclear and that
employees and contractors are comfortable raising concerns," spokesman
Joe Delmar said in a statement. "However, we are taking this opportunity
to once again reinforce the nuclear safety culture expectations with our
employees and leadership." PSEG was not part of the court case because
the security manager worked for a private contractor, the Wackenhut Corp.,
which is now known as G4S Secure Solutions. But the NRC said in the letter
that PSEG is responsible for the actions of contractors. "The finding
that Wackenhut retaliated against the individual for engaging in a protected
activity raises questions with the NRC as to whether the work environment at
Salem and Hope Creek is such that employees are encouraged and willing to
raise safety and regulatory concerns," said the letter from William
Dean, an NRC regional administrator.
Hudson County Correctional Center
Hudson County, New Jersey
Aramark
Mar 27, 2018 PCWG northjersey.com
After latest suicide, Hudson County takes steps to terminate jail's
medical provider
Hudson County Executive Tom DeGise said Monday that he will terminate the
county's contract with the jail's medical and mental health services provider
after the death of an inmate who hanged himself in his cell on Sunday. It was
the sixth death of an inmate at the facility since June. CFG Health Systems
LLC of Marlton has a five-year, $29.4 million contract with the county that
was renewed in 2016 and doesn't expire until 2021. Last week, the Hudson
County freeholders awarded a $12,000 contract to a consultant who will help
the county prepare a request for proposals for a new medical and mental
services provider. DeGise's statement followed a more than three-hour meeting
and an inspection of the Hudson County Corrections and Rehabilitation Center
in Kearny, which houses about 1,200 people. "As a result of this latest
incident, and other failures to meet an appropriate standard of care, I have
directed the County Counsel's Office to begin accelerated termination of
CFG's contract to provide medical services at the jail,'' DeGise said in a
statement. "During the transition period prior to a new provider
replacing CFG, I will recommend to the Board of Chosen Freeholders that the
county seek services of a professional medical monitoring firm to oversee CFG's
service to those in our custody." CFG executives declined to comment.
Jeanine Miles, the company's director of business development and marketing,
said the matter was “pending review.” At 9:06 a.m. Sunday, Carlos Borroto, 26, of West New York was found hanging in his
cell, according to information provided by county officials. DeGise said Borroto was able to enter his cell in the new inmate
housing unit and close the door for privacy. Then, after hooking a laundry
bag to the corner edge of the upper bunk, he managed to break his neck with a
fall from only 4 feet off the ground. DeGise said an initial review of the
incident found that CFG personnel failed to review Borroto's
previous electronic medical intake history, which showed "expressions of
suicidal intentions'' listed in an intake for a separate arrest in May 2017.
Because of the oversight, DeGise said, jail officials placed Borroto in the regular inmate intake population on Friday
evening, hours after he was arrested. "This allowed him the time and
opportunity to take his own life Sunday morning [that] he would not have had
in our psychiatric mental health unit for male prisoners,'' DeGise said in
his statement. "We will seek out the best possible provider to replace
CFG, one with a history of success in dealing with the significant challenges
in treating mental illness among the incarcerated,'' he said. William O'Dea,
who is a member of the Freeholder Board's public safety committee, said
earlier Monday that even before the latest suicide, county officials had
reached out to representatives from CFG Health Systems about ending the
contract this year. "It is safe to say that both the legislative and
executive sides of government have started a process to see how to have an
early termination, preferably something that is mutually agreeable to both
parties,'' O'Dea said in a phone interview on Monday. Anthony Vainieri, the chairman of the Freeholder Board, said an
ad hoc committee reviewing the deaths at the jail had determined that “CFG
had to be replaced” and had planned to bring in a new company by the end of
the year. He, too, called for quicker action. “Now that we are seeing another
suicide, we are looking to do this ASAP,” he said. In addition to the Hudson
County facility, CFG's clients include jails in Essex, Union, Mercer, Ocean,
Salem, Burlington, Cumberland, Camden and Warren counties. In his statement,
DeGise said medical monitors that could provide oversight while CFG remains
at the jail will be submitted to freeholders this week. He said laundry bags
with strings of any kind have been removed from the new inmate housing unit. Borroto was arrested on warrants from the West New York
and North Bergen police departments. Charges included resisting arrest,
eluding police, aggravated assault-domestic violence, possession of a weapon
for an unlawful purpose, simple assault and cruelty, torture and tormenting
of animals. DeGise said Borroto threatened as he
was being arrested that he would "jump off the bridge,'' prompting
officers to take him to Palisades General Hospital for a psychiatric
evaluation. DeGise said Borroto was judged fit for
incarceration and was taken to the jail. A review of the jail by the National
Commission on Correctional Health Care states that a health screening
identifies active health care problems in inmates when they arrive. A mental
health screening is completed by the intake nurse as well, according to the
report. "Patients with positive results on the mental health screening
are referred to qualified mental health professionals for further
evaluation,'' the report states. O'Dea said he was troubled by the death,
particularly since it occurred after the jail implemented several policy
changes after the deaths and suicides of other inmates. O'Dea said he has
asked Ron Edwards, the director of the county's Department of Corrections,
what kind of medical and mental health coverage is available on weekends. The
assessment report states that mental health services are available at the
jail on weekdays, with on-call coverage on evenings and weekends. In a report
submitted to the Hudson County Board of Freeholders at their Jan. 31 meeting,
Edwards listed several changes at the facility, including an updated suicide
prevention policy and the creation of a new suicide task force. He also noted
that the department conducted an audit of all chronic cases in the jail
population to ensure proper treatment and that medical providers have been
educated on patient protocols. The jail also has ended a policy of waiting
for Immigration and Customs Enforcement to approve certain medical procedures
for federal immigration detainees. The jail has been under scrutiny since
June, when Carlos Mejia-Bonilla, a 44-year-old immigration detainee from El
Salvador, was rushed from the jail to Jersey City Medical Center, where he
died the next day. His family claimed the jail ignored his concerns about his
health. Since then, five other inmates at the facility have died in custody,
four by suicide. Mejia-Bonilla's death led to two county investigations and
the dismissal of medical employees. His death and that of another inmate,
Jenifer Towle, weeks later, also by suicide, led to a public outcry about
poor medical care at the jail.
September 8, 2010 The Jersey Journal
The Hudson County Board of Freeholders spent more than an hour tonight
debating the merits of a food service company that is set to get a nearly $12
million contract at the Hudson County Correctional Center. Freeholder Bill
O’Dea, of Jersey City, took issue with awarding the contract to Aramark
Correctional Services LLC, saying the company had issues with a prior
contract at Meadowview Psychiatric Hospital, resulting in a $75,000
settlement with the county last year and an agreement that the company would
not bid on future contracts. County Administrator Abe Antum
said the company was not prohibited from bidding on the jail food service
contract, because it was a completely separate issue from Meadowview.
"The performance at the correctional center was satisfactory and they
were views as separate services and separate contracts,” Antum
said at tonight’s freeholder meeting. Freeholder Albert Cifelli, an attorney
from Kearny, noted that at $11.77 million over three years, Aramark was the
lowest bidder. By law the county must award the contract to the “lowest,
responsible” bidder and Cifelli questioned whether the freeholders had the
authority to determine that Aramark was not “responsible” per the contract
standards. Both the board’s attorney, Edward Florio, and the county
administration’s attorney, Donato Battista, said it was up to the
administration to determine whether or not the company was the lowest,
responsible bidder and recommend the contract to the board. O’Dea said he was
concerned that the company had provided psychiatric patients with prison-grade
meals, instead of hospital-grade meals, as required by the Meadowview
contract. But Carol Ann Wilson, county director of Health and Human Services,
said the issue had to do with staff not having the state-required
qualifications to run the hospital’s kitchen. She said despite telling
Aramark about the failure to meet state standards, which would put the
hospital in risk of losing its certification and state reimbursements, the
company did not comply with the terms of the contract. Wilson said a
dietitian was not always available, as required. Freeholder Jose Munoz, of
West New York, said he thought Aramark was using one dietician at both the
jail and Meadowview, which may have contributed to the problems. Antum said a report was compiled by Meadowview and O’Dea
asked for both a copy of the report and for the settlement agreement. An
Aramark representative at tonight’s meeting said the issue was the result of
a bad decision made by one manager and it should not reflect on the company
as a whole. Nationwide, Aramark has over 500 correctional facility food
contracts. O’Dea and Freeholder Jeff Dublin, of Jersey City, tried to table
the contract until they received additional information, but didn’t get any
of the other seven freeholders to support their motion.
Mammoth County Jail
Mammoth County, New Jersey
Gourmet Dining (formerly run by Aramark)
July 18, 2010 The Star-Ledger
Aramark is the giant of America’s food-service industry, topping Fortune’s
list of the "World’s Most Admired Companies." So when Aramark, whose
menu runs the gamut from lobster rolls at Boston’s Fenway Park to meals for
most of New Jersey’s county inmates, came up short on a $12 million contract,
it flexed its legal muscle. In a tug-of-war featuring a debate over pennies
per meal and highlighting a criminal case against a competitor’s food-service
executive, the Philadelphia giant fought a court ruling giving New Jersey
competitor Gourmet Dining the very Essex County jail contract Aramark
snatched from Gourmet in 2004. Then it relented. The 4-inch thick stack of
legal briefs and exhibits is now closed. But the legal battle — brief as it
was — offers insights into the clash of a food-service titan and its smaller
competitor in the sometimes murky world of competitive bidding. On one hand,
Aramark Correctional Services bid $1.32 a meal for each inmate, technically
making it the lowest bidder. On the other, Gourmet Dining bid $1.42,
technically losing. But Essex County rejected Aramark, saying its per-meal
pricing wasn’t really "firm," as required by the bid
specifications, and threw open the bidding anew — an action Gourmet says was
a "thinly veiled attempt" to give Aramark time to fix its defective
bid. On April 1, Madison-based Gourmet sued, making references to Aramark’s
"monopoly" and asserting that its bid would actually save Essex
$1.16 million over 3 years. Aramark countered, saying Gourmet was not a
"responsible bidder" since the man it would put in charge of meals
at the Essex County Correctional Facility had been fired by Aramark for embezzling
funds. "It’s a good old-fashioned game of chicken," Professor Larry
Bennett of the Whitman School of Management at Syracuse University said of
the legal punches and counter-punches. It’s the second time the food-service
competitors have squared off in a New Jersey courtroom. Just 16 months ago,
Gourmet Dining won a ruling in Monmouth County, snatching a contract
initially awarded to Aramark for that county’s inmates. "We’re pretty
happy with it," Savino Russoniello Jr., the
West Orange attorney representing Gourmet Dining, said of the latest outcome.
"The county is going to be saving money with the new contract. The
taxpayers are the winners here." That’s not the way Aramark sees it.
"Our proposal would have provided the county with $800,000 in savings
over the term of the contract compared with the selected bid," said
Sarah Jarvis, an Aramark spokeswoman. But Aramark, which held Essex County’s
contract from 2004 til now, wasn’t burning any
bridges. "We delivered outstanding service to Essex County over the past
seven years and hope we have the opportunity to do so again," she said.
To James Paganelli, Essex County’s chief county
counsel, the truth lies somewhere in the great divide. "They’re both
going to give you a competing analysis," he said. Gourmet Dining’s legal
complaint was just that, and a painstaking one. Gourmet, whose $40 million a
year in revenues includes serving means to undergrads at Seton Hall
University and executives at Hertz, asserted that Aramark was able to push up
the price it charges for an inmate meal in Essex by 49 percent from March
2004 to May 2009. That was, in part, the basis for its argument that
Aramark’s latest bid was not based on a "firm price" as required by
the bid specifications, according to the lawsuit. On Feb. 18, Gourmet Dining
protested in a letter to Essex County. Less than a month later, Essex
rejected Aramark’s bid on the basis that it did not submit a "firm
quote" and sent a memorandum of agreement to Gourmet Dining. But on
March 26, the county instead rejected all bids and opted to rebid, altering
the terms, noting "confusing and misleading" bid wording that
created "uncertainty," and adding a provision disqualifying any
bidder on the basis of a key executive’s criminal record. On June 23, in a
5-page opinion, Superior Court Judge Claude Coleman, sitting in Newark,
rejected Essex’s decision to reopen the bids and ordered the county to award
the contract to Gourmet. "Rejecting all bids was improper, without sound
reasons, and was an abuse of discretion," Coleman ruled. "Aramark’s
bid was not in compliance with the bid specifications." As for the
former Aramark employee about to handle Gourmet Dining’s Essex contract, he
pled guilty of theft by deception, was sentenced to probation and ordered to
attend Gamblers Anonymous, according to court papers. Paganelli,
the county counsel, said he listened to the judge’s advice on that issue.
"Judge Coleman said, ‘You have the right to pick whoever that leader is
going to be. Just tell them that person is not acceptable to you, and they’ll
get you another person." Did Essex follow through? Paganelli
was succinct. "Yep," he said.
April 10, 2009 Asbury Park Press
A new vendor will begin serving up meals to Monmouth County inmates and
youth detainees May 1, thanks to last month's ruling by a Superior Court
judge that county officials erred in awarding a three-year contract to a
higher bidder. Gourmet Dining LLC of Madison will take over the work — but
only after the county makes one final payment to rival vendor Aramark Correctional
Services LLC for providing the food service while the contract was in
dispute. The county freeholders on Tuesday unanimously passed a resolution
paying Aramark $729,000 for service from the start of the year until April
30. The amount covers 488,000 Monmouth County Jail staff and inmate meals at
$1.35 per serving and 733 religious meals at $3.82 each; plus 21,500 detainee
and staff meals at $2.92 each at the Youth Detention Center. Both facilities
are in Freehold Township. "The resolution is necessary as part of the
court decision to change vendors, because Aramark continued vending services
past the date of the former contract," Purchasing Director Gerri C.
Popkin said.
March 6, 2009 Asbury Park Press
A Superior Court judge has set aside a prison food contract award to
Aramark and ordered the Monmouth County Board of Freeholders to pass a
resolution giving the work to a lower bidder, Gourmet Dining LLC of Madison.
Judge James P. Hurley said the freeholders -- acting on a recommendation from
the Sheriff's Department -- were wrong to toss out Gourmet Dining's bid on
the basis of lacking substantial experience from past work in prisons.
Gourmet Dining's attorney, Thomas P. Scrivo, argued
during a Feb. 18 hearing that the company had served over 40 million meals
when it held Essex County jail contracts from 1991 to 2004. "Gourmet's
13 years of experience providing on-site meals speaks to Gourmet's compliance
with the specifications,'' the judge said in his written decision issued
today. County taxpayers will be on the hook for legal fees from the case but
will save money on the change in contract. The county will pay $155,360 less
annually than it would have paid Aramark, and could save $466,000 over the
life of the three-year contract. The contract also allows for two one-year
renewals. Aramark held the previous contract that expired in December and has
continued as the vendor during the period of dispute. Gourmet Dining's
one-year bid price is $2,836,514 compared to Aramark's $2,992,000. Sheriff's
Department spokeswoman Cynthia Scott said no date has been selected for the
change in vendors to occur. "The freeholders still have to act by
resolution but as a practical matter we plan to move forward with a smooth
transition,'' Scott said. "The Monmouth County Sheriff's Office always
welcomes competition and plans to work closely with Gourmet Dining to ensure
that the comparable level of quality and quantity of food services will be
maintained at the jail.'' The case was heard in Superior Court in Middlesex
County after being transferred from Monmouth County.
February 10, 2009 Asbury Park Press
Arguments will be heard by a Superior Court judge today over whether
Monmouth County should be ordered to reopen its $3 million contract award for
prison food so that a lower bidder can be considered for the work. Acting on
the recommendations of the Sheriff's Office and county purchasing officials,
the county freeholders voted unanimously in December to award the contract to
feed inmates at the Monmouth County jail and youth detention center to
Aramark, a Philadelphia-based company that has held the contract since 1991.
Gourmet Dining of Madison submitted a bid of $2.5 million, about 18 percent
lower than Aramark's bid, but the low bid was rejected because county
officials said the company lacked jail experience. However, Gourmet Dining
attorneys are expected to argue today the company served some 42 million
meals to inmates in the Essex County jail system from 1991 to 2004. The case
will be heard by Middlesex County Superior Court Judge James P. Hurley. The challange was filed by Gourmet Dining in Monmouth County,
then transferred to Middlesex.
Meadowview Psychiatric Hospital
Meadowview, New Jersey
Aramark
September 8, 2010 The Jersey Journal
The Hudson County Board of Freeholders spent more than an hour tonight
debating the merits of a food service company that is set to get a nearly $12
million contract at the Hudson County Correctional Center. Freeholder Bill
O’Dea, of Jersey City, took issue with awarding the contract to Aramark
Correctional Services LLC, saying the company had issues with a prior
contract at Meadowview Psychiatric Hospital, resulting in a $75,000
settlement with the county last year and an agreement that the company would
not bid on future contracts. County Administrator Abe Antum
said the company was not prohibited from bidding on the jail food service
contract, because it was a completely separate issue from Meadowview.
"The performance at the correctional center was satisfactory and they
were views as separate services and separate contracts,” Antum
said at tonight’s freeholder meeting. Freeholder Albert Cifelli, an attorney
from Kearny, noted that at $11.77 million over three years, Aramark was the
lowest bidder. By law the county must award the contract to the “lowest,
responsible” bidder and Cifelli questioned whether the freeholders had the
authority to determine that Aramark was not “responsible” per the contract
standards. Both the board’s attorney, Edward Florio, and the county
administration’s attorney, Donato Battista, said it was up to the
administration to determine whether or not the company was the lowest,
responsible bidder and recommend the contract to the board. O’Dea said he was
concerned that the company had provided psychiatric patients with
prison-grade meals, instead of hospital-grade meals, as required by the
Meadowview contract. But Carol Ann Wilson, county director of Health and
Human Services, said the issue had to do with staff not having the
state-required qualifications to run the hospital’s kitchen. She said despite
telling Aramark about the failure to meet state standards, which would put
the hospital in risk of losing its certification and state reimbursements,
the company did not comply with the terms of the contract. Wilson said a
dietitian was not always available, as required. Freeholder Jose Munoz, of
West New York, said he thought Aramark was using one dietician at both the
jail and Meadowview, which may have contributed to the problems. Antum said a report was compiled by Meadowview and O’Dea
asked for both a copy of the report and for the settlement agreement. An
Aramark representative at tonight’s meeting said the issue was the result of
a bad decision made by one manager and it should not reflect on the company
as a whole. Nationwide, Aramark has over 500 correctional facility food
contracts. O’Dea and Freeholder Jeff Dublin, of Jersey City, tried to table
the contract until they received additional information, but didn’t get any
of the other seven freeholders to support their motion.
Morris County Jail
Morris County, New Jersey
Aramark
June 23, 2005
In the usual scenario, people caught using heroin go to jail, but last week
authorities discovered the obverse is also true: People who go to jail get
caught using heroin. Two women, Mount
Olive Township resident and former state prisoner Karen Ryerson, 42, and
Newark resident Leslie Harwell, 36, a worker in the Morris County Jail
cafeteria, were charged with heroin distribution. Harwell is employed by Aramark, a
Pennsylvania-based food service company. She was arrested Sunday after
allegedly selling drugs inside the jail, according to the Morris County
Prosecutor’s Office. She was charged
with possession of heroin and possession with intent to distribute. She is
being held in a cell in the jail where she worked on $50,000 bail. Ryerson was arrested Monday after
authorities determined she had been the supplier of the heroin to Harwell.
She was charged with possession of heroin and heroin distribution. She is
being held in the Morris County jail on $100,000 bail. According to the Prosecutor’s Office, a
corrections internal affairs officer had learned last Thursday that Harwell
was allegedly selling the drugs. Harwell was allegedly able to bring in the
drugs because employees are not searched upon entry, Rubbinaccio
said. Harwell has been employed at the jail since mid-May. Aramark employees
prepare food in the jail’s kitchen and help train inmates in food
preparation. She has no criminal record, Rubbinaccio
said.
New Jersey Department of Corrections
Community Education Centers, Correctional Medical Services, Life Skills
Academy
Aug 27, 2018 documentedny.com
New Jersey: Pension fund divests from GEO
A New Jersey state pension fund announced on Friday it would sell $1.3
million of stock in private prison company Geo Group. Documented previously
revealed the New Jersey
State Employees Deferred Compensation Plan had purchased CoreCivic
and Geo Group stock in July, around the height of the now defunct “zero
tolerance” policy that led to the separation of families. Following questions
about the investment from The Record and NorthJersey.com, the state Treasury
announced the state pension fund would be divesting from Geo Group.
NorthJersey.com
August 14, 2012 New York Times
The Christie administration said on Tuesday that it had issued $45,000 in
fines against New Jersey halfway houses from which nine inmates escaped in
recent months, the harshest penalties ever brought against the troubled
network of private operators. The halfway houses were fined for failing to
quickly report escapees to state officials and for recording inmates who had
escaped as present. In other cases, supervisors failed to keep track of
inmates who had fled from work-release programs or slipped away before being
sent back to prison, corrections officials said. The inmates escaped from six
different halfway houses, including two run by Community Education Centers, a
company that dominates the state’s halfway house system and has drawn
scrutiny because of its close ties to Gov. Chris Christie. Hundreds of
inmates escape from the state’s halfway houses each year, but authorities
have previously done little to crack down on the problem. No penalties had
ever been brought against halfway house operators until officials learned of
The New York Times’s 10-month investigation into escapes and other problems
at the privately run centers, which can be as big as prisons but have little
of their security. Corrections officials said on Tuesday that the penalties
would improve the performances of the halfway houses, which hold parolees and
inmates nearing the end of their sentences. The State Legislature held two
days of hearings last month into halfway house problems raised by the Times
articles, including gang activity, violence and drug use inside the centers.
Lawmakers have vowed to introduce bills increasing halfway house oversight
and tightening the contracting procedures. Senator Robert M. Gordon, a
Democrat from Bergenfield, said that it was “gratifying” to see the Corrections
Department beginning to hold halfway houses accountable. “This is a step in
the right direction, but it’s only a first step,” said Mr. Gordon, who is
chairman of the Legislative Oversight Committee, which held a hearing into
the halfway houses last month. “I think we actually need to change the rules
of the game.” The halfway house companies were notified last week of the
fines, which came after a review of all the escapes over the past nine
months.
June 16, 2011 NJ 101.5
State Comptroller Matt Boxer is questioning the State Department of
Corrections (DOC) about the state's largest halfway house provider, Education
and Health Centers of America, Inc. (EHCA), because of its subcontracting
arrangement with a for-profit company, Community Education Centers, Inc.
(CEC). Under state law, only non-profits can provide halfway house services.
Boxer says EHCA pays CEC the entire contracted per diem rates. Of $400
million the state has paid EHCA since 1997, EHCA has paid CEC approximately
$390 million to provide "all the services" under EHCA's public
contracts, including the "operation, support services management and
maintenance" of the facilities. "One of the issues that we found is
that there are questions about the eligibility of one of those halfway houses
to be a part of this program," explains Boxer. "We sent a letter to
the Department of Corrections suggesting that on this issue they seek formal
legal advice from the (State) Attorney General's Office and they've agreed to
do that." Bill Palatucci is one of Governor Chris Christie's closest
allies. He's a senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs
at CEC and the director of development at EHCA. He says CEC has had no new
contracts since 1998. "We're still operating under the same agreement that
was approved by Attorney General back then, so we're a bit puzzled by the
report," says Palatucci. "We'll take a look and talk to the
Department of Corrections about it."
June 15, 2011 NJ 101.5
New Jersey's Corrections Department does not adequately monitor state-funded
halfway houses, according to a new audit by the state comptroller. The audit
released Wednesday found the state failed to take appropriate action against
state-funded halfway house providers following inmate escapes. The state also
overpaid other providers and paid some providers that were not fully
accredited. "It is critical that the state takes a more active role in
ensuring the success of these programs," State Comptroller Matthew Boxer
said. "It cannot simply cut these halfway houses a check and hope for
the best." The state is spending nearly $65 million this year on the
program which handles an average of 2,720 residents daily. The homes are
intended to prepare them for re-entry into society. Among other findings, the
report said the state overpaid 10 private halfway house providers by $587,000
over a six-year period because of miscalculated per diem rates charged by the
providers which varied wildly -- from $0 per inmate bed to $7,354 per inmate
bed -- among the non-profit providers. The comptroller also found that the
state failed to adequately supervise the facilities and fine those facilities
that let residents with disciplinary problems leave before they could be
re-incarcerated. The audit noted that six halfway house residents waiting to
be transported back to prison by correctional officers were able to escape
because they were not placed in a secured holding area within the halfway
house as required by contract. In three of those instances, a secured area
did not even exist on the halfway house premises. Under contracts with the
facilities, the state could have fined each provider $30,000 per escape but
did not. Additionally, the report found that the state failed to meet its own
guidelines monitoring the halfway houses. In 2009 DOC documented spending 104
days checking the houses when more than 600 days were required; two
facilities received no documented visits, the report said. The comptroller
also questioned about the state's largest provider because of its
subcontracting arrangement with a for-profit company.
August 12, 2008 The Star-Ledger
Correctional Medical Services said it plans to lay off 949 workers in New
Jersey next month, after losing its $85 million contract for prison health
care services in the state to the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New
Jersey. CMS, a private St. Louis firm, notified the state it would begin the
layoffs on Sept. 30, a day before UMDNJ begins providing service to New
Jersey Department of Corrections inmates. A majority of the workers facing
layoffs are expected to be offered jobs with the university, UMDNJ spokesman
Gerald Carey said. "Current employees of Correctional Medical Services
have been encouraged to apply for positions with UMDNJ and we are in the
process of reviewing those applications," Carey wrote in an email. CMS
lost its contract earlier this year, and protested that the switch to UMDNJ
was made through an interagency award, not a competitive bidding process.
"The Treasury Department's decision to award a no-bid $100 million plus
annual contract to a state entity will increase the state payrolls by several
hundred workers, costing New Jersey taxpayers millions of dollars," CMS
spokesman Ken Fields said in a statement.
April 27, 2008 Asbury Park Press
The administration of Gov. Corzine is awarding a no-bid pact to the
University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey to provide medical care
for New Jersey's prison inmates. The move, which the administration views as
a money-saver, is being scrutinized by some who fear the shift might actually
cost the cash-strapped state, and by extension its taxpayers, more than its
deal with a private contractor. These critics worry UMDNJ is ill-equipped to
handle the job. Federal investigators found that the state-financed
health-care university fumbled away more than $400 million through fraudulent
and wasteful spending, though it has recently instituted reforms. Also, UMDNJ
has a foggy track record in care-giving to prisoners. UMDNJ in 2005 got the
state's OK to provide mental-health care for the inmates, and costs
thereafter shot up — 50 percent over what what the
private company that was doing the work charged, said John Paul Doyle, a
former Democratic assemblyman who now represents the company. State Treasurer
David Rousseau, disputing that amount, has said he foresees nothing to
indicate costs would now go up. "It is expected the UMDNJ arrangement
will reduce the state's overall costs," Rousseau told the Senate Budget
Committee." Since the mid-1990s, the physical and dental care for the
27,600 state inmates — plus another 14,000 held in county facilities — has
been provided by Correctional Medical Services, of St. Louis, whose latest
New Jersey contract is worth $85 million. Last October, the state's inspector
general issued a harsh report about CMS, saying it overcharged and had been
out of compliance with its New Jersey contract. "It should be
competitively bid," said Sen. Leonard Lance, R-Hunterdon, the budget
czar of the Republican caucus. "The lowest bidder should be awarded the contract.
That could be in the private sector or the public sector."
April 15, 2008 Star-Ledger
Correctional Medical Services is fighting the state's decision to cancel its
$85 million annual contract to provide medical, dental and pharmaceutical
services to state prisoners. The company filed a protest letter Friday,
alleging that the state's decision to replace it with the University of
Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey violates state bidding laws and could
cost the state $50 million more a year if history is a guide. John Paul
Doyle, a former Democratic assemblyman who now represents the company, wrote
that the state's cost for providing mental health services for inmates jumped
nearly 50 percent in 2005 when it switched from the St. Louis-based company
CMS to UMDNJ. "Based on past history and the current budgetary crisis in
New Jersey, this unadvertised award, remarkably made in the midst of the
existing four-year contract with CMS, makes no sense for the state of New
Jersey," Doyle wrote in his letter to the state Treasury Department. He
also said the company would forgo a 4.73 percent increase to cover costs
associated with caring for the 27,600 inmates in state prisons and an
additional 1,400 in mates being held daily in county facilities until a state
cell is available. During a Senate Budget Committee hearing yesterday, state
Treasurer David Rousseau disputed that it would cost $50 million more to use
UMDNJ to provide medical, dental and pharmaceutical services to state
prisoners. "We see no basis for this contention," Rousseau said.
"In fact, based on the assessment of costs and charges, it is expected
the UMDNJ arrangement will reduce the state's overall costs." He said
the state hopes to save $3.4 million in built-in profits for CMS and another
$5.5 million by enrolling in a pharmaceutical plan --for which CMS cannot
qualify -- that caps how much UMDNJ will pay for medication. The treasurer
did acknowledge that the state's payroll costs would be greater because it
will have to hire more staff, including some of the 800 medical workers who
now work for CMS, and pay them fringe benefits. Rousseau also took issue with
CMS' numbers on the mental health services contract, saying the state's cost
jumped from $33 million to $43.4 million when it switched, not $49 million as
the company claimed. He added that the price jumped because the state hired
more workers to satisfy a federal settlement that governs how the Department
of Corrections cares for mentally ill prisoners. CMS spokesman Ken Fields
said the figures came from public budget documents, but "in any event,
it's a significant increase over one year compared with CMS."
April 1, 2008 Star-Ledger
The state has canceled its $85 million annual contract with a St. Louis-based
company that has provided medical, dental and pharmaceutical services to
state prisoners since New Jersey privatized its inmate health care system in
1996, officials said yesterday. The state Treasury Department notified
Correctional Medical Services on Friday that it planned to replace it with
the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, the state's medical
school, according to a copy of a letter obtained by The Star-Ledger. UMDNJ
already provides mental health services for state inmates. CMS, whose
contract expired last night, had sought a 4.73 percent increase to cover
costs associated with caring for the 27,600 inmates in state prisons and an
additional 14,000 inmates being held in county facilities until a state cell
is available. "The state has decided that it is in its best interest to
contract with the University of Medicine and Dentistry to provide all of the
inmate health care services," wrote Alice Small, acting director of
Treasury's Division of Purchase and Property. The move ends a contentious
11-year relationship with CMS that was launched during then-Gov. Christie
Whitman's push to privatize government services. It comes months after the
state auditor and the state inspector general issued separate reports
critical of the company. It also gives the state-funded university a shot in
the arm as it tries to emerge from federal oversight that documented more
than $400 million in fraudulent and wasteful spending. The state told CMS it
would need to continue staffing inmate health services for 180 days so UMDNJ
personnel can get up to speed. Treasury spokesman Tom Vinz said the state
believes the new arrangement, which will be enacted through an interagency
compact rather than through public bidding, will "improve both the
bottom line as well as services." He said officials don't know exactly
how much the state would save. "We believe that overall costs will be
extremely competitive with the current contract and that the expanded
partnership will result in new economies, efficiencies and conveniences that
benefit the state," Vinz said. The cancellation came as a shock to CMS,
which employs more than 800 health care professionals in New Jersey to handle
the state inmate contract, said spokesman Ken Fields. He said the rate
increase was pegged to the Consumer Price Index but "was well below the
rate of inflation facing all other areas of health care in New Jersey."
"The state has been extremely satisfied with our work and has never
given us an indication that they would prefer to make a change in contractors,"
said Fields. "We are disappointed that the state appears to have started
a process that would not include getting any competitive bids. It has been
our experience that state and local governments feel that a competitive
bidding process results in the best value for them." UMDNJ spokeswoman
Anna Farneski said the new agreement is "an
enormous vote of confidence in UMDNJ's abilities to effectively deliver care
to a population in need of comprehensive services." The state paid the
medical school $49 million last year to provide mental health services for
inmates. Attorney Patricia Perlmutter, who reached a class-action lawsuit in
1999 against the Department of Correction on behalf of mentally ill inmates,
said canceling the CMS contract is the end of "a failed experiment."
"For years, they delivered very poor service to the prisoners in the
state," she said. "There certainly was improvement over time. The
number of complaints we would receive did diminish the last year of contract
term. But overall they didn't deliver what they promised."
October 16, 2007 AP
For the second time in two years, an audit has found that the Corrections
Department failed to adequately monitor its multimillion dollar contract for
inmate dental services. Monday's report by Inspector General Mary Jane Cooper
mirrors a 2005 audit by Treasury's contract compliance unit. Both concluded
that Corrections could not guarantee that inmates were getting services that
were paid for or that the state wasn't overpaying the provider, Correctional
Medical Services. The inspector general also found that Corrections did not
fine the provider for missing deadlines spelled out in the contract, even
though it could have collected $1 million or more for screenings that were
not conducted within a specified time of a new inmate's arrival. The quality
of medical and dental care was not considered. Both reports blamed
Corrections' automated systems for being incapable of collecting and
retaining the data necessary to monitor compliance with the contract.
Correctional Medical Services was awarded a two-year, $168 million contract
in April 2005 to provide health services to about 40,000 inmates a year,
including a dental portion worth $7.5 million. The contract was renewed for
one year in April, Corrections spokesman Matt Schuman said. The report says
the contract dictates that certain services be performed within specific time
frames — and gives Corrections the authority to assess damages for missed
deadlines — because of concerns over provider performance that developed
during a prior health services contract. An initial Treasury audit in 2005
showed that Corrections did not have an automated information system capable
of providing data to monitor the contract. When a system was finally put in
place, it relied on the vendor to enter data, the inspector general's report
shows, and had flaws. Schuman said Monday that Corrections had not yet seen
the report and would have no comment. Ken Fields, a spokesman for
Correctional Medical Services in St. Louis, Mo., also said he was unfamiliar
with the report and could not comment.
February 28, 2007 The Star-Ledger
Criticizing the state for trying to shirk its responsibility to provide
inmates adequate health care, the New Jersey Supreme Court today ordered the
prison system to develop regulations on how to notify inmates when they have
a serious medical condition. In its unanimous ruling the high court also
ordered the Department of Corrections to give inmates access to their
complete medical records and to correct those records if they are inaccurate,
since both are essential to adequate medical care. "This is a major
victory for the medical rights of prisoners," said Princeton attorney
Bruce Afran, who argued the case on behalf of a New
Jersey State Prison inmate. "Every other patient in the state has a
right to their own medical records and the state was refusing that right to
prisoners. The court has now reversed that." The case stems from
"one inmate's odyssey to correct an erroneous entry in his medical
records," Justice Virginia Long wrote in the court's opinion. The
inmate, identified only as J.D.A. because he fears retribution in prison,
suffers from hepatitis C, a potentially fatal liver disease. He tested
positive for the disease in 2001, but a prison-contracted doctor misread the test
results and noted in his file the virus was "not detected." When he
learned of the mistake two years later, J.D.A. filed paperwork to have it
changed. Correctional Medical Services, the private company responsible for
treating New Jersey's 27,000 state inmates, refused to change his medical
chart because it was "a legal document" that cannot be altered,
court records show. Corrections, meanwhile, claimed only CMS had the
"ability to make changes to an inmate's medical record."
February 5, 2007 The Star Ledger
Walking across the courtroom, Jerald Albrecht fell and hit the floor. It
was emblematic, perhaps, of his status among the righteous that no one rose
to help him. The convict, a sick man, tripped over his leg shackles.
Albrecht, 50, is suing a company paid nearly $100 million a year in public
funds to provide health care to 27,000 state prison inmates. He contends
Correctional Medical Services Inc. of St. Louis failed to provide timely
diagnosis and treatment of an often fatal disease that infects him and a
large number of fellow inmates -- hepatitis C. He is not the first inmate to
sue -- handling the infection among convicts is a controversy that has raged
for five years in New Jersey -- but he is conducting a complex legal trial
completely on his own. Albrecht, imprisoned for robbery 22 years ago, has no
lawyer, no legal training, not even a bachelor's degree. And he is clearly
not well. He is up against (literally) Philadelphia lawyers and a judge who
has thrown out much of his case by refusing to allow witnesses on which he
relied heavily. Federal District Judge Anne Thompson in Trenton cannot help
his case, but some of her rulings seem unduly harsh. For example, she
enthusiastically allowed a volunteer attorney -- Bruce Afrin of Princeton --
to help Albrecht conduct a direct examination of himself, but then stopped
it, in front of the jury, for no apparent reason. She dismissed Afrin, saying
the process wasn't "working," but did not explain why. Albrecht
recovered. He elicited dramatic testimony from his own expert witness --
Esteban Mezey, a liver specialist from Johns
Hopkins University, who was critical of his treatment. He held up well under
cross-examination from the Philadelphia lawyers. And, the other day, the day
he fell, Albrecht conducted his own cross-examination of the company's expert
witness, a professor named Carroll Leevy, and the
contrast with what the legal pros did was remarkable. Thompson harried
Albrecht as he tried to ask questions, but let Leevy
deliver long, unsolicited lectures as responses. His speeches ate up the
inmate's time and often sounded, not like testimony, but arguments for the
company paying him $2,500 that day to testify. In the end, however, the
performance helped Albrecht. One issue is the amount of medication he received
once treatment, delayed for months, finally began. Leevy
insisted a lesser amount -- given by the company -- was appropriate, but
Albrecht got the doctor to admit that he prescribed more of the drug for his
own patients and wrote at least one scholarly article recommending a higher
dosage. More important, Leevy, a professor at the
University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, showed little patience
and no compassion for the likes of Albrecht, a man who must navigate a
courtroom in a beige prison uniform, shackles and a fever. And who falls
without help. Leevy said the nearly two-year delay
in treating Albrecht "would not make a significant difference," in
his condition but, under Albrecht's questioning, Leevy
conceded he would never treat his own patients that way. "It's always
pleasant to have things done in a timely manner," said Leevy, who then added, in a bizarre moment, that Albrecht
may even have benefited from the delay because, while he wasn't being
treated, new, more effective medications were developed. Pleasant? Meanwhile,
damage to Albrecht's liver worsened. Then, while discussing drugs to be used,
Leevy said even his private patients might not have
access to the best medications. "Unfortunately not being in prison and
not being able to get free drugs," he said, they couldn't afford them.
The comment drew gasps from the audience and dark stares from jurors. Who
could imagine that, no matter what Albrecht did to deserve time, he was
"fortunate" to be in jail, suffering from a fatal disease? After
his testimony, he was asked whether the comment was "a little
harsh." No, said Leevy, because "that was
the reality." The testimony reflected an attitude that Albrecht and
other inmates want courts, want everyone, to see: State prisons and their
private contractors were in no rush to diagnose and treat thousands of
inmates suffering from hepatitis C. Because prisoners are bad guys. Who wants
to spend money to help them? Never mind that returning sick prisoners to
freedom creates health risks for the general population. And never mind, no
matter what he did, Albrecht is a citizen with constitutional rights. As well
as a mean guitarist who persuaded a thoroughly nonjudgmental Wynton Marsalis
to come to the prison to give a master class to a jazz combo Albrecht
started. And, most of all, even in shackles, Jerald Albrecht is a man.
July 25, 2006 The Record
New Jersey prison officials failed to make sure that a contractor who was
guaranteed $1.5 million a year actually taught inmates or even checked to see
if his "life skills" classes worked, the state auditor has found.
Trenton-based Life Skills Academy Inc. was allowed to essentially monitor its
own progress and bill the state without any supervision, the audit found.
Attendance was not properly tracked and, in at least one case, inmates did
not take the required amount of training, according to the report, a copy of
which was obtained by The Record. Life Skills Academy appears to be the only
contractor whose payment is required in the state budget -- an arrangement so
unusual the auditor decided to issue a separate report on the program's
deficiencies. Records at one prison showed that inmates attended 60 hours of
classes, rather than the required 80 hours. A list of inmates who graduated
from the same prison, which was not named, included the name of
"facilitators" who had already taken the class, the report found
Life Skills Academy is run by Emmanuel ben Avraham, a controversial community
activist who worked first in Newark and later in Trenton. The company Web
site proudly boasts of its ability to teach troubled inmates the skills to
make decisions and "empower them to take control of their lives and
actions." It features a slide show of photographs that include inmates
as well as celebrities such as Whitney Houston. One video shows Avraham's
wife, Elianah Avraham, listed as the company's
chief of staff, excoriating inmates in a fiery presentation that sounds more
like a sermon or a stump speech than a classroom lecture.
December 21, 2004 The Record
Others spoke about how it was a "day of promise." Bringing in the
University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey to manage mental health
care in the state prison system creates a unique partnership between academia
and the judicial system, they said. But as state officials were all smiles
during this October announcement, Chris Kosseff, who heads UMDNJ's University
Behavioral HealthCare division, painted a darker, more realistic picture of
the mental health care crisis in state prisons. Facing a group of health
professionals, state officials and reporters at the Department of
Corrections' Trenton headquarters, Kosseff read from a study published by the
Human Rights Watch that talks about how many prison mental health services
are "woefully deficient, crippled by understaffing, insufficient
facilities and limited programs. Beginning Jan. 1, UMDNJ will provide
behavioral health services to the state's 27,000 prisoners - 13 percent of
whom have some form of mental illness. UMDNJ will replace Correctional Medical
Services Inc. of St. Louis
as the state's prison mental health care provider.
November
18, 2004 Daily Record
Former Chester resident Craig Szemple, who is
serving three life terms for murdering three people, will be allowed to
continue his lawsuit against a state prison medical group he claims neglected
to give him physical therapy he needed immediately after elbow and wrist
surgery, a state appeals court has ruled. As a New Jersey State Prison inmate, Szemple underwent two surgeries related to carpal tunnel
syndrome on Nov. 7, 1996, on his right wrist and elbow. The surgeon ordered
physical therapy to begin "ASAP" but Correctional Medical Services,
the conglomerate with the contract to administer health services to some
26,000 state prisoners, did not arrange for Szemple
to have a physical therapy evaluation until March 17, 1997. Acting as his own lawyer, Szemple
in November 1998 sued Correctional Medical Services and the state Department
of Corrections, alleging that he was given substandard care and his wrist and
elbow worsened as a result of not receiving immediate physical therapy. The
medical group tried unsuccessfully several times to get Szemple's
lawsuit dismissed. Its lawyers finally succeeded in 2003, when a judge in
Mercer County dismissed the lawsuit, mainly on grounds that a chiropractor
whom Szemple wanted to use to prove his case was
not qualified to do so. The appeals court, in its opinion released
Wednesday, reinstated Correctional Medical Services as a defendant in the
lawsuit, saying that the chiropractor is qualified to give his opinion about
the treatment Szemple received.
October 30, 2004 Daily Journal
A state Department of Corrections employee has filed a lawsuit alleging
sexual harassment by a clinical social worker and five other unnamed
defendants, according to court papers filed with Gloucester County Superior
Court. The
suit, filed Tuesday, claims that licensed social worker Robert Stanley
subjected Southwoods State Prison employee Tony
Valentine to "a pattern of sexual harassment" and "engaged in
a pattern of retaliatory and defamatory activity" designed to embarrass
him, according to court documents. Valentine filed a complaint with the Equal
Employment Division in Nov. 2003, leading to an investigation. The EED
concluded Stanley's actions were inflammatory, and recommended his employer,
Correctional Medical Services, take remedial action, which the lawsuit
alleges was never taken.
October 7, 2002
New
Jersey prisons failed to tell hundreds of inmates that they were
infected with the potentially fatal hepatitis C virus, in many
cases withholding the information for more than a year In
a mass notification prompted by a Philadelphia Inquirer investigation, New
Jersey prison officials told 421 inmates in the last two weeks
of July of their infection, a medical audit shows. Uninformed patients can spread the
blood-borne disease through shared drug paraphernalia, sex and
possibly even blood droplets on shared toothbrushes. In fact, 21 prisoners were recently
released into the community without being told they were
infected, according to the audit. Art Caplan, a medical ethicist at the
University of Pennsylvania, said that failing to tell patients
about a potentially life-threatening condition was a fundamental
breach of standard medical practice. "The key moral issue is that every
person, including a prisoner, has a right to know his health
status," Caplan said. The prisons' private medical vendor,
Correctional Medical Services (CMS), said some of the 421 inmates
had been told prior to July but it had not been noted in their
electronic files.
CMS
spokesman Ken Fields said that because of problems transferring paper records
to a computer system, it was impossible to determine how many
had prior notification. When pressed for a number,
Fields said that "in some cases," inmates already knew.
The delay in notification raises legal
issues as well. The nation's courts have a long tradition of
ruling in favor of a patient's right to know. In addition, New
Jersey has a "Patient Bill of Rights" that reinforces
this right for hospital patients. How that will happen is
not clear. CMS last summer left hepatitis
C out of its bid to renew its medical contract with the state
prisons. CMS, which has held the contract for
six years, wanted to increase its fee by 30 percent, or about $30
million a year, not including hepatitis C care. Its bid said it would
treat and test for hepatitis C only if the state itself
picked up the bill. Brown said the state
rejected the CMS bid because it failed to cover hepatitis C
treatment. With the current CMS
contract expiring at the end of this month, and no other bidders,
Brown said the state will have to come up with alternatives -
such as dividing the state's prisons into different regions to
encourage more competitive bidding or putting out another request for
bids. (Bradenton Herald)
New Jersey Legislature
Prisons,
Privatization, Patronage: by Paul Krugman, The New York Times,
June 22, 2012. Over the past few days, The New York Times has published
several terrifying reports about New Jersey's system of halfway houses -
privately run adjuncts to the regular system of prisons.
As Escapees
Stream Out, a Penal Business Thrives: by Sam Dolnick, New York
Times, June 16, 2012. After serving more than a year behind bars in New
Jersey for assaulting a former girlfriend, David Goodell was transferred in
2010 to a sprawling halfway house in Newark.
Essex County immigrant detention center a house of controversy: Chris Megerian, The
Star-Ledger. Despite the barbed wire snaking across the top of its
perimeter fence, Delaney Hall is not a traditional lock-up.
Aug
22, 2021 essexcountypolitics.com
N.J. bans jails from new ICE contracts as Murphy signs
Local
and private jails in New Jersey are now banned from signing contracts to hold
federal immigration detainees under a bill Gov. Phil Murphy signed into law
Friday. The law (A5207) bars local and private jails or detention centers
from "entering into, renewing, or extending immigration detention agreements"
with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, otherwise known as ICE. New Jersey becomes the fifth U.S. state to limit or ban
such contracts. The measure does not affect current ICE contracts, only
future ones. Bergen and Hudson counties still have contracts, and a privately
owned jail in Elizabeth recently extended its contract until 2023 while this
bill sat on Murphy's desk and the governor was on a 10-day family vacation to
Italy. Murphy, a Democrat who is running for re-election in November, quietly
signed the bill the day after he returned from his trip. He did not release a
statement about why he signed it. Under the ICE contracts, detainees wait at
the local facilities for court hearings as they face the possibility of
deportation. The deals have netted millions of dollars for local governments,
who have charged ICE as much as $120 a day per detainee. Democratic leaders
of Bergen, Essex, and Hudson counties have defended the contracts. But
progressive advocates and human rights groups have long opposed the centers.
Their push got louder as the number of detainees grew under a crackdown on
immigration in former President Donald Trump's administration. Protests have
often included hunger strikes by detainees. Amy Torres, executive director of
the New Jersey Alliance for Immigrant Justice, said the new law has been
"a long time coming, not just for immigrants in New Jersey but for every
family separated by detention." "Our state now joins the handful of
others who are spearheading the fight to end ICE detention nationwide,"
Torres said in a statement. After stalling for months, both houses of the
Democratic-controlled state Legislature passed this bill in June along
partisan lines, with a majority of Republicans
opposing the move. It was propelled by a sudden announcement by Essex County
to end their contract at the county jail. State Senate Majority Leader
Loretta Weinberg, D-Bergen, a main sponsor of the law, said Friday that
"county jails and other entities should be used to house people accused
of real crimes, not to arbitrarily hold people who are trying to live their
lives and contribute like anyone else." "Many of these individuals
are immigrants who have lived in New Jersey for years, enriching our
communities, and strengthening local economies," Weinberg added.
"This is a common sense bill and a humane
one." Sarah Fajardo, policy director of the New Jersey chapter of the
American Civil Liberties Union, said this law is the first step toward the
state "ending its complicity in the mass detention of noncitizens."
"For years, community members and advocates have fought to stop placing
members of our community in cages, and New Jersey took action to ensure that
people are protected not just by words, but by laws," Fajardo said. The
New Jersey State Bar Association attorneys lobbied Murphy to veto this bill,
arguing their clients would be sent to ICE facilities out of state, without
the protections afforded to them in the Garden State and away from their
attorneys and family members. "The NJSBA has never supported the
detention of non-citizens without any basis for doing so," Domenick Carmagnola, the association's president, said in
a statement. "To the extent that these individuals are being detained
and sent to facilities in states with far less protections than New Jersey,
our members remain concerned about the availability of legal services,
resources and advocates to protect their rights in those states."
Jun 25, 2021 northjersey.com
NJ
bill to prohibit immigration jail contracts with ICE heads to Gov. Murphy's
desk
The
New Jersey Senate passed a bill Thursday that would prohibit local jails from
entering new contracts to house federal immigration detainees - a measure
that now heads to Gov. Phil Murphy for his signature. The Senate voted 23-15
to approve the bill, with Democrats supporting the move and Republicans
uniting against it. On Monday, the state Assembly passed the measure 46-24,also along party lines. The vote follows years of
heated protests, packed municipal meetings and hunger strikes by detainees
amid growing calls to end local cooperation with U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement. Bergen, Hudson and Essex counties have
housed thousands of ICE detainees in recent years, and the agency also
contracts with a private facility in Elizabeth. The arrangements generated
millions of dollars for county coffers, although the windfall declined in
recent months as ICE reduced the detainee population amid the COVID pandemic.
Protests grew as the number of those detained swelled during the Trump
administration's immigration crackdown, which expanded the focus of
enforcement beyond those facing criminal charges. Under President Donald
Trump, immigrants with violations and non-violent misdemeanors as well as
those who had pending immigration cases in court were also locked up.
Advocates said widespread detention of immigrants was inhumane and that it
divided and destabilized families. Amy Torres, executive director of the New
Jersey Alliance for Immigrant Justice, urged Murphy to join other states that
have passed measures restricting immigration detention. "The statewide
ban would confirm the message that continues to be raised at the local level
- profiting off of pain and family separation contradicts New Jersey
values," she said. Murphy, a Democrat, has not said whether he will sign
the measure, and a spokeswoman said the governor does not comment on pending
legislation. But pressure has been growing from both advocates and lawmakers.
U.S. Senators Cory Booker and Bob Menendez have both come out against ICE
jail contracts in the state. The measure would allow existing contracts to
continue. ICE holds contracts with the three North Jersey counties as well as
with CoreCivic, which runs the private jail in
Elizabeth. But those deals may be winding down on their own. Earlier this
year, Essex officials said they will end their 13-year practice of housing
immigrant detainees at the county jail in Newark in August. The county plans
to replace them with more inmates from a county jail that is closing. In
November, Hudson County's commissioners voted to approve a new 10-year jail
contract with ICE. But by April, Board of Commissioners Chairman Anthony Vainieri said he too was looking to exit the contract
early if an alternate source of revenue can be found. In Bergen County, the
current contract with ICE does not have an expiration date, said Keisha
McLean, a spokeswoman for the Bergen Sheriff's Office. But the county is not
taking new immigration detainees, McLean said, adding that the decision to
reduce detainees was made by ICE. In Elizabeth, the property owner of the
detention center has sued to end its contract with CoreCivic,
alleging the company did not follow federal guidelines and requirements to
stop the spread of COVID-19 among detainees.
August 14, 2012
New York Times
The Christie administration said on Tuesday that it had issued $45,000 in
fines against New Jersey halfway houses from which nine inmates escaped in
recent months, the harshest penalties ever brought against the troubled
network of private operators. The halfway houses were fined for failing to
quickly report escapees to state officials and for recording inmates who had
escaped as present. In other cases, supervisors failed to keep track of
inmates who had fled from work-release programs or slipped away before being
sent back to prison, corrections officials said. The inmates escaped from six
different halfway houses, including two run by Community Education Centers, a
company that dominates the state’s halfway house system and has drawn
scrutiny because of its close ties to Gov. Chris Christie. Hundreds of
inmates escape from the state’s halfway houses each year, but authorities
have previously done little to crack down on the problem. No penalties had
ever been brought against halfway house operators until officials learned of
The New York Times’s 10-month investigation into escapes and other problems
at the privately run centers, which can be as big as prisons but have little
of their security. Corrections officials said on Tuesday that the penalties
would improve the performances of the halfway houses, which hold parolees and
inmates nearing the end of their sentences. The State Legislature held two
days of hearings last month into halfway house problems raised by the Times
articles, including gang activity, violence and drug use inside the centers.
Lawmakers have vowed to introduce bills increasing halfway house oversight
and tightening the contracting procedures. Senator Robert M. Gordon, a
Democrat from Bergenfield, said that it was “gratifying” to see the
Corrections Department beginning to hold halfway houses accountable. “This is
a step in the right direction, but it’s only a first step,” said Mr. Gordon,
who is chairman of the Legislative Oversight Committee, which held a hearing
into the halfway houses last month. “I think we actually need to change the
rules of the game.” The halfway house companies were notified last week of
the fines, which came after a review of all the escapes over the past nine
months.
August 8, 2012 New York Times
Gov. Chris Christie’s administration came under heavy criticism from
legislators last month at hearings on New Jersey’s privately run halfway
houses, which handle thousands of inmates each year. On Wednesday, Mr.
Christie fired back, saying he would significantly weaken a measure approved
by the legislators to increase their oversight of the system. It was the
second time Mr. Christie moved to weaken new regulations for halfway houses.
The Democratic-controlled Legislature approved a bill in June that required
the state auditor to conduct reviews of major corrections contracts with
private operators, including those with a halfway house company that
dominates the system and has close ties to Mr. Christie. But the governor, a
Republican, said Wednesday that he would sign the law only if all existing
contracts, including those with halfway house operators, were exempted from
the audits. He described the provision, freeing those contracts and their
renewals from review, in a footnote toward the end of a four-page statement
on the bill. Both the State Senate and the State Assembly have held hearings
and approved oversight measures for the system in response to a series of
articles in The New York Times in June about the system. The articles
described escapes, violence, security lapses, drug use and other problems at
the halfway houses, some of which are as large as prisons.
July 29, 2012 Star-Ledger
Democrats must be salivating at the chance to expose a nefarious relationship
between Gov. Chris Christie and his pal, William Palatucci, an executive with
the company that runs New Jersey’s halfway houses. They’ve held legislative
hearings to question Palatucci’s employer, Community Education Centers, about
its troubled track record. So far, there’s no evidence of anything improper
between the governor and his friend, and most of the problems reported in a
recent New York Times investigation of CEC took place before Christie took
office. But there’s enough concern about the company and its financial health
that a closer look is in order. The state’s comptroller, Matthew Boxer,
should investigate. These are our concerns: • Crime: The newspaper report cited a pattern of
escapes, gang activity, violence and drug use at CEC’s halfway houses in New
Jersey — held up as a national model for helping inmates move smoothly back
into the community. There have been more than 5,000 escapes and parole
absconders from the halfway houses since 2005, the report said. In one
facility, violence was so rampant that inmates asked to go back to prison. As
New Jersey takes steps to keep nonviolent offenders out of state prisons, are
we allowing a new level of violent incarceration take shape? • Finances: A federal lawsuit brought by a fired
executive claims CEC defaulted on its debt in 2009 and was close to
bankruptcy in 2010. Documents show deep staff cuts and, inside CEC, worries
about meeting payroll. The company called those lies, though it acknowledges
CEC has suffered in the economic downturn. What happens if the company that
saw 7,700 inmates and parolees pass through its doors last year suddenly
can’t pay its bills? • Influence:
Does CEC have a guardian angel? Lawmakers were concerned enough about CEC’s
finances to include a requirement in the state budget for quarterly reports on
CEC’s operations and finances. But Christie used his line-item veto to strike
part of those requirements, including the quarterly mandate. His office said
it was “burdensome.” Palatucci, CEC’s senior vice president and general
counsel, is a former law partner and close friend of Christie. Both insist
they’ve never misused that relationship. “We’ve gone to great lengths to
ensure the governor is insulated from any of the activities of the company in
New Jersey,” Palatucci said. But did others? In an e-mail to a longtime
investor after Christie was elected, CEO John Clancy boasted about
Palatucci’s friendship. It’s not the first time there have been questions.
After an audit last year criticized lax oversight of the halfway house
program, the Department of Corrections tripled its inspections and started
fining the company for escapes. Problems with escapes, violence and drugs
have improved. Boxer’s office has said it will conduct a follow-up audit.
That’s a start. What’s needed is a formal investigation, which has more
latitude. The comptroller’s role as a government watchdog, which includes
power to subpoena CEC’s records, could expose deep-seated money problems
before they explode. Or, it could put lingering questions to rest. Either
way, it’s a sensible next step. Boxer should have at it.
July 18, 2012 The Record
Senate Democrats released their witness list for tomorrow’s hearing into the
state’s halfway house system. Matthew Boxer, the state comptroller, and Gary
Lanigan, commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Corrections, have been
asked to testify, according to the Senate Democrats. Also on the list is John
J. Clancy, chairman and CEO of Community Education Centers. Community
Education Centers has been at the center of recent controversy over the state’s
privately run halfway house system, which was the subject of a series of New
York Times articles last month. The series focused on escapes and dangerous
conditions inside the houses. The articles highlighted the connection between
Community Education Centers – which operates six halfway houses in New Jersey
– and Governor Christie. The company’s senior vice president is William J.
Palatucci, Christie’s longtime friend and adviser. Christie’s office called
the Times report “misleading,” but the governor also promised increased
investigations into the privately run halfway houses. He later line-item
vetoed a measure passed by the Legislature that would have required quarterly
reports detailing halfway houses’ operations. Christie argued the reports
need not be so frequent. The Kintock Group —
another company that offers what it describes as “community corrections
services” – has also been invited to make an appearance at tomorrow’s
hearing. Its President and CEO, Diane DeBarri, is
on the Senate committee’s witness list. The Kintock
Group operates five centers in New Jersey. Other witnesses expected to
testify include Thaddeus Caldwell, a former senior corrections investigator,
and Derrick Watkins, the former deputy director of treatment at Albert M.
“Bo” Robinson Assessment and Treatment Center. The Bo Robinson Center,
operated by Community Education Centers, was one of the halfway houses at the
center of The Times’ investigative series.
June 26, 2012 The Record
Governor Christie now faces two new chances to approve stronger state
oversight of private halfway houses in addition to the promises he made for
better monitoring following reports of escapes and abuse. Delaney Hall, a
halfway house in Newark. The Legislature passed the two separate measures
Monday, including one bill that had been dormant since 2004, giving Christie
the power to approve or veto the pair of checks on private corrections
contractors. Both the Senate and Assembly passed a bill that would require a
full audit of the cost, delivery and procurement of any contract with the
state Department of Corrections over $100,000. And both houses also passed a
state budget bill that includes two paragraphs that mandate quarterly reports
to the Legislature. Any private firm that runs a halfway house detention
center would have to detail the number of inmates, number of escapes and
steps taken to prevent inmates and parolees from slipping security. Christie
promised action to better monitor halfway houses following this month's
revelations about high numbers of escapees, some of whom fled and committed
further crimes. Offenders deemed non-violent have been routinely assigned to
halfway houses in recent years as an alternative to state-run prisons. The
New York Times last week detailed reports of failures in halfway-house
oversight, as well as allegations of abuse of inmates. Neither of the two
reforms proposed by Democrats received a single Republican vote in either the
Senate or Assembly. And there was no discussion in the lengthy debate on the
budget about the requirement for reports from contractors, language written
into the bill by Democrats. "It didn't even get a mention, with
everything else going on," said Sen. Linda Greenstein, a Democrat
representing Middlesex County, after she and fellow Senate Democrats overrode
Republican opposition and approved the budget bill along party lines, 24 to
16. The 2004 proposal by Sen. Jeff Van Drew, D-Cape May, that requires the
State Auditor review all private contracts with the Corrections Department,
also passed along party lines in both houses. Christie has already signaled
he will likely use his veto pen on the massive budget proposal – which
includes several items at odds with the governor including a tax-credit plan
and not his call for a direct income tax cut. The Governor's Office would not
comment Monday on whether Christie would consider a veto of the Van Drew
proposal. "I would hope he would not," Van Drew said, insisting he
had not planned to push the issue as a way to embarrass the governor. Van
Drew said he originally introduced the idea of an audit in 2004, at a time
when a number of privatized corrections facilities were opening in his
legislative district in Cape May and Cumberland counties. The New York Times
reported on June 17 that more than 5,100 inmates had escaped from private
facilities since 2005. One of the firms now operating many halfway houses
statewide, Community Education Centers, employs a close Christie ally,
William Palatucci, as senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs.
On the heels of the escapee reports, Van Drew's bill, with Senate President
Stephen Sweeney, D-Gloucester, as a co-sponsor, received swift committee
hearings last week. Republicans in committee did not directly address the
merits of examining corrections contracts, but focused their opposition on
why demanding an audit from the independent auditor might slant the process.
July 30, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County officials are coming under heavy criticism over how they handled
the bidding process for a facility to house federal immigration detainees, a
contract potentially worth tens of millions of dollars. U.S. Sen. Frank
Lautenberg (D-N.J.) and immigration advocates are questioning whether the
request’s specifications were tailor-made for Education and Health Centers of
America, a politically connected firm that submitted the sole bid by
Thursday’s deadline. Specifications for the contract, which call for housing
at least 450 detainees, include that the facility be located within a
two-hour drive of Newark, New York and Philadelphia and within a 10-mile
radius of the Essex County Jail on Doremus Avenue
in Newark; that the successful bidder have a facility already being used for
correctional purposes; and that it be within 20 miles of a major airport. EHCA
has contracted with the county to provide rehabilitation and other services
for more than a decade. "This smacks of some kind of a backdoor
deal," said Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program with
the Newark chapter of the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker
faith-based organization. "It really seems to show the process was not
open." Gottlieb said the bid process raised "serious
questions," particularly since the contract involves incarceration.
"The stakes are high. This isn’t a game," she said. "You’re
talking about depriving people’s liberty." In a letter to John Morton,
director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Lautenberg, the vice
chairman of a Senate subcommittee that oversees federal funding to ICE,
questioned whether the county’s bidding process was "entirely fair, open
and transparent." Before any agreement is finalized, Lautenberg wrote,
"I am requesting that ICE carefully examine the terms and conditions of
such an agreement, as well as the manner in which Essex County intends to
satisfy its obligations under the agreement in order to ensure that it fully
complies with all applicable law." County officials did not make the bid
available, saying it can only be inspected after a formal public-information
request is submitted and processed. An attorney for the company, William Harla, said the company’s bid would be judged solely on
its merits. "EHCA did not ask for any special position in the
process," Harla said in an e-mail. EHCA has
reaped about $500 million in county and state Department of Corrections
contracts since 1997, according to a state comptroller’s report last month.
In January, the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services
contract with the company. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney
Hall, a residential center on Doremus Avenue for
criminal offenders that prepares them for re-entry into society. Although
EHCA is a nonprofit, it sub-contracted its service contracts to a for-profit
affiliate, Community Education Centers, according to state officials. Both
companies are headed by John Clancy, a former county youth services official
who has contributed tens of thousands of dollars to the campaign of county
and state officials, according to state elections records. Besides Clancy,
who also served as president of the New Jersey Association for Youth Services
and the chairman of the county’s Family Court Commission, William Palatucci,
a close friend and former law firm colleague of Gov. Chris Christie, works
for Community Education Centers. Clancy and Community Education Centers have
made hundreds of thousands of dollars in political contributions to county
and state candidates over the years, including the most recent re-election
campaign for Essex County Executive Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr. Those
contributions have come under scrutiny from critics of the county’s ICE
contracts. Clancy, though, has said that "a battery of attorneys"
have determined his contributions are clearly within legal bounds. In a
statement, DiVincenzo said Lautenberg’s suspicions were misplaced.
"While most senators would fight for additional revenue to lower taxes
and create jobs for their constituents, Senator Frank Lautenberg has
channeled his energy into preventing Essex County’s taxpayers from receiving
$50 million in revenue," DiVincenzo said. The statement said the county
fosters open and competitive pricing "so that we can obtain the most
professionally delivered and cost efficient services for our residents."
July 27, 2011 New York Times
Three weeks ago, Essex County, N.J., announced that it was seeking a company
to run a 450-bed immigrant detention center, hoping to take advantage of a
federally financed initiative to set up such facilities with better
supervision and medical care. The county said the contracting process was
open to any company. But behind the scenes, it appears that officials have a
clear favorite: Community Education Centers, which has a checkered record in
immigrant detention but counts one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest confidants
as a senior vice president. The company’s executives are also political
backers of the county executive, Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr., a prominent ally
of Mr. Christie. The county’s bidding rules specified that visitors to the
detention center greet detainees “in the gymnasium” — a requirement that
seemed to point to an existing facility, Delaney Hall in Newark, operated by
Community Education Centers. Bidders were given 23 days to submit
applications, an unusually short deadline for a multimillion-dollar contract.
Community Education Centers itself seemed to act as if its selection were a
done deal. The deadline for bids is Thursday, but the company posted
advertisements on its Web site weeks ago to fill five jobs working with
immigrant detainees at the facility. And this week, federal immigration
officials and Community Education staff members gave tours of Delaney Hall to
advocates for immigrants, telling them that it would probably be the new
facility. The advocates were not shown other sites. Questioned about the
selection process, Essex officials said the bidding was fair and open to any
company. A spokesman for Mr. Christie said the governor’s office had no
involvement in the contract. Federal and local officials have not indicated
the size of the contract for the winning bidder, but it appears the total
could amount to $8 million to $10 million annually. Government at all levels
has pushed to privatize prisons and detention centers in recent decades,
trying to save money and improve services. The federal government, which has
been apprehending a growing number of immigrants, plans to use private
companies to help overhaul a detention system that includes a patchwork of
facilities. But privatized prisons and detention centers have at times became
ensnared in scandals over mistreatment of their charges. In fact, Community
Education Centers, based in West Caldwell, N.J., was seriously penalized in
2008 under an earlier contract to house immigrants at Delaney Hall. After an
immigrant escaped, officials responded by removing the remaining 120
detainees from the company’s supervision and placing them in a public jail.
Immigrant detention centers typically house immigrants, both legal and
illegal, who are facing deportation because of visa violations or criminal convictions.
With a shortage of beds in the Northeast, the federal Immigration and Customs
Enforcement agency announced plans last year to house hundreds of detainees
in Essex County. Officials said the detainees would have better access to
lawyers and consulates, enabling the authorities to curb the transfer of
detainees to distant places like Texas. Community Education’s senior vice
president is William J. Palatucci, Mr. Christie’s political mentor and former
law partner, and one of the state’s well-known Republican strategists. Mr.
Palatucci was a major fund-raiser for George W. Bush’s 2000 presidential
campaign, and recommended to the Bush administration that it nominate Mr.
Christie for United States attorney for New Jersey, a job he held from 2002
to 2009. Community Education and its executives are major supporters of Mr.
DiVincenzo, one of the most powerful politicians in North Jersey. Community
Education employees, including senior executives and several of their family
members, have donated a total of $30,600 to Mr. DiVincenzo’s campaigns since
2006, according to disclosure records. Mr. DiVincenzo, the county executive
since 2002, is also influential in Trenton. Though he is a Democrat, he has
developed a close relationship with Mr. Christie, a Republican, who swore him
in for his third term. Mr. DiVincenzo has said he agrees with 95 percent of
what the governor is doing, and has broken ranks with his party to support
Mr. Christie’s efforts to curb the pay and benefits of public employees. Mr.
Christie’s press secretary, Michael Drewniak, said,
“There is no basis whatsoever to bring the governor into this and doing so
sounds like a total stretch.” Essex County’s counsel, James R. Paganelli, said neither Community Education nor any other
company had the inside track for the contract. “We have a public bid looking
for anybody who thinks they can provide these services,” Mr. Paganelli said. “I hope that this bid is as competitive
as we can make it.” Mr. Paganelli said he expected
as many as 30 companies to express interest, and he declined to speak about
any bidder in particular. A Community Education spokesman, Christopher Greeder, said any claim that the company had “received
favored status from Essex County is unfounded.” Mr. Greeder
said Delaney Hall was fully accredited and had housed more than 80,000
individuals since its opening in 2000. Asked why the company had advertised
for jobs at the detention center before it knew whether it had won the
contract, he said: “As a private company, we often advertise for positions in
advance of any contract award. We want to be prepared.” He added that there
was no connection between campaign contributions given by company executives
and government contracts. For their part, federal officials said they were
already making plans to send immigrants to Delaney Hall because Essex
specifically mentioned it in its proposal to the federal government. They
were not aware that the county was considering other facilities, said Gillian
M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the immigration agency. Immigrant advocates
called the contracting process severely flawed. Amy Gottlieb, director of the
Immigrant Rights Program at the American Friends Service Committee, said,
“The idea that a company can advertise a job before they have the contract is
offensive, because the stakes are so high.” Although the details are still
being made final, Immigration and Customs Enforcement plans to assign 800
immigrants to the Essex jail, which currently holds about 500, and plans to
place an additional 450 detainees in Delaney Hall, which is nearby, Ms.
Christensen said. To solicit bids, Essex County advertised in The Star-Ledger
of Newark and posted the requirements on a county Web site, following
standard procedure, according to Mr. Paganelli, the
county counsel. He said county officials did not actively solicit companies
to bid. By comparison, the New York State Office of General Services said
that when the state issued contracts for specialized services, it advertised
in multiple publications, posted the requirements online and contacted
competing firms that perform similar services.
June 16, 2011 NJ 101.5
State Comptroller Matt Boxer is questioning the State Department of
Corrections (DOC) about the state's largest halfway house provider, Education
and Health Centers of America, Inc. (EHCA), because of its subcontracting
arrangement with a for-profit company, Community Education Centers, Inc.
(CEC). Under state law, only non-profits can provide halfway house services.
Boxer says EHCA pays CEC the entire contracted per diem rates. Of $400
million the state has paid EHCA since 1997, EHCA has paid CEC approximately
$390 million to provide "all the services" under EHCA's public
contracts, including the "operation, support services management and maintenance"
of the facilities. "One of the issues that we found is that there are
questions about the eligibility of one of those halfway houses to be a part
of this program," explains Boxer. "We sent a letter to the
Department of Corrections suggesting that on this issue they seek formal
legal advice from the (State) Attorney General's Office and they've agreed to
do that." Bill Palatucci is one of Governor Chris Christie's closest
allies. He's a senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs
at CEC and the director of development at EHCA. He says CEC has had no new
contracts since 1998. "We're still operating under the same agreement
that was approved by Attorney General back then, so we're a bit puzzled by
the report," says Palatucci. "We'll take a look and talk to the
Department of Corrections about it."
July 8, 2010 The Star-Ledger
In a move certain to only increase speculation about Gov. Chris Christie’s
political future beyond New Jersey, the Republican State Committee tonight
elected Bill Palatucci, a close Christie friend, advisor and former law
partner, as the state’s new male representative on the Republican National
Committee. Palatucci, 52, replaces David Norcross, a former Republican State
Committee chairman and 1976 U.S. Senate candidate who was elected
committeeman in 1992. “I think in a small way I can just be the eyes and
ears, not only for (Christie) but for the state party. Secondly, it’s nice to
be able to be proud for New Jersey again and help export the ideas that are
proving so successful right now in New Jersey down to the national scene,”
said Palatucci. Palatucci denied speculation that Norcross, whose term does
not end until 2012, was pressured to resign by Christie to make way for a
close ally. “I think that’s unfair to David. David has been very clear that
he was in his last term and he was always looking for the right time to step
aside,” he said. Twenty-three of the state’s 42 Republican committee members
showed up at the meeting at the Princeton Hyatt to vote for Palatucci by affirmation.
Nobody else ran for the position and Norcross did not attend the meeting.
Amanda Brown/The Star-LedgerDavid Norcross, in this
2004 file photo. Palatucci is senior vice president and general counsel for
Community Education Centers in West Caldwell, which operates halfway houses
for the reintegration of former prison inmates.
June 21, 2010 The Daily Journal
A close friend, political contributor and adviser to Gov. Chris Christie is a
top-ranking employee of Community Education Centers Inc., the largest company
providing the state with treatment centers for former inmates. Christie has
said the state is in dire financial straits and has made massive cuts in his
proposed fiscal 2011 budget, but funding for the treatment centers --
traditionally known as halfway houses -- is set to increase $3.1 million.
It's one of the rare programs to receive additional funding under Christie.
The final treatment center budget under the state Department of Corrections
will be $64.6 million, if the Legislature approves the budget. Deborah
Howlett, executive director of New Jersey Policy Perspective and a former
official in Gov. Jon S. Corzine's administration, said, "I've heard Gov.
Christie say many times not to take a cup of coffee from someone. With other
social services programs being cut to the bone, a program that could benefit
a friend is increased. Why?" *Longtime Christie adviser William J.
Palatucci, a senior vice president and general counsel for Community
Education Centers in West Caldwell, told Gannett New Jersey he's
"deregistered as a lobbyist" and "will not lobby in New Jersey
on behalf of CEC."* *Palatucci's relationship with Christie goes back at
least to the 1990s. Palatucci helped run Christie's gubernatorial campaign
last year and was co-chair of the governor's inaugural committee. Palatucci
personally has contributed $26,650 to the GOP since 1985.* CEC has
contributed a total of$372,350 to both parties during that time, mostly to
Democrats, and its chairman, John J. Clancy, has contributed $138,525, mostly
to Democrats. Michael Drewniak, press secretary for
the governor, said: "Bill Palatucci has been involved with Mr. Clancy's
company for a very long time. Mr. Clancy's bids will be judged on their
merits, and that's the only consideration that is involved. Any suggestion of
outside influence is not based on the facts." According to Corrections
Commissioner Gary M. Lanigan, his department currently contracts for a total
of 3,029 beds in residential treatment programs. During the course of a
typical year, anywhere from8,500 to8,800 inmates go through treatment
facilities as a way to help them re-enter society, according to the DOC.
Lanigan said Friday that legislation passed last year mandated the Department
of Corrections must maintain 100 percent occupancy in the beds under
contract. Previously, 95 percent occupancy was required. That change in the
law accounts for the proposed $3.1 million budget increase, he said. The
state is in the process of awarding new contracts for the treatment programs.
The final decision, expected June 30, will be made by Lanigan, following a
review both by an evaluation committee and state budget officials who examine
the finances of each company submitting bids, DOC spokesman Matt Schuman
said. Eight vendors currently have contracts with the DOC. CEC's relationship
with the state is complex. CEC, a for-profit company, "does not hold any
state contracts," company spokesman Christopher Greeder
said. But CEC provides services for a nonprofit, Wall-based company called
Education and Health Centers of America. "They hold the contracts,"
Greeder said. Palatucci was listed as a paid
director of development for Education and Health Centers, while Clancy, the
CEO and chairman of CEC, was listed as the paid president, according to the
nonprofit's 2009 IRS tax report. Under pay-to-play laws, a for-profit
business receiving $50,000 or more through agreements or contracts with New
Jersey public entities is required to file annual disclosures of its
contributions with the election commission, according to the Department of
Treasury. Pay-to-play disclosure laws were passed in recent years to prevent
undue influence, or the appearance of undue influence, by political
contributors in the state's multibillion-dollar contracting process. However,
because the nonprofit Education and Health Centers is awarded the contracts
with the state, the for-profit CEC -- which provides the bulk of services for
the Education and Health Centers contracts -- is not required to file
pay-to-play disclosures with the commission. Nonprofits, and any political
contributions by its officers, were made exempt from the 2005 pay-to-play
reporting laws in 2008. Palatucci said he spoke with Christie after he was
elected and told him he would no longer lobby on behalf of CEC in New Jersey.
"The governor accepted this," he said. Lanigan said Palatucci's
relationship with the governor "no way impacts the process. My job is to
keep up a firewall, to make sure the process has not been tainted." In
the current contract Education and Health Centers has with the Department of
Corrections, CEC provides 1,687 beds -- 1,226 in assessment centers and 461
in treatment programs, Lanigan said. Most of CEC's New Jersey beds are in
Newark and Trenton. The rate charged the department is $62 per inmate per day
in a treatment program and between $70 and $75 in an assessment center, he
added. An assessment center is a facility an offender goes to after being
released from prison. That inmate then will be placed in a treatment center
for substance, behavioral or other problems. The department spent $61.5
million this budget year and plans to spend $64.6 million in the next fiscal
year, which starts July 1, according to the state budget. Joseph Marbach, dean of the College of Arts & Sciences at
Seton Hall University, says the state owes the public more of an explanation.
"Why is this portion of the budget going up when so many things are
being slashed?" Marbach said. "What's the
underlying reason? Anything that might benefit Mr. Christie's friend, Mr.
Palatucci? Somebody's going to benefit from government, one way or another.
The governor has been very vocal in criticizing these kinds of relationships.
For consistency's sake, you'd think Mr. Palatucci would take a leave of
absence or recuse himself while Mr. Christie is in office." Palatucci
said he is "an advocate for alternatives to incarceration, and none of
that requires me to lobby for CEC. ... I told the governor in January, 'I'm
not going to talk to you about my company.'"
New Jersey State Prison
Trenton, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
October 30, 2008 The Times of Trenton News
Two workers at the New Jersey State Prison in Trenton were indicted on
charges related to smuggling cell phones to inmates. In an indictment that
was handed up Monday, Darlene R. Sexton, 44, of Trenton was charged with five
counts of official misconduct and two counts of unlawful use of a cell phone
in a correctional facility, said Casey DeBlasio, a spokeswoman for the
prosecutor. State Corrections Officer Lisa Whittaker, 32, of Trenton was
indicted on two counts of official misconduct and one count of hindering
apprehension, DeBlasio said. Whittaker allegedly gave investigators from the
Department of Corrections false information during their investigation of
Sexton. It's the first indictment of a corrections worker by Mercer County
authorities for cell phone smuggling, DeBlasio said, although in mates and
others have been indicted on charges of smuggling cell phones at other
correctional facilities. Last year the Department of Corrections fired 52
prison officers, some of them for smuggling contra band into the prisons.
Sexton, a registered nurse employed by New Jersey State Prison Correctional
Medical Services, was allegedly involved in an "unduly familiar relationship"
with Arlington King, an inmate, officials said. Sexton allegedly committed
misconduct by bringing cell phones to King and Craig Reid, another in mate, while they were incarcerated between Jan. 8 and
Nov. 17, 2007, DeBlasio said. Officials at the St. Louis-based company, which
no longer has a contract with New Jersey to provide medical services for the
prison, could not be reached for comment late yesterday. Sexton, however,
"maintains her innocence," said her defense lawyer Robin Lord.
"She's not a public official so I don't know where they're going with
that charge. She is employed by a private company. I'm going to file a motion
to have the indictment dismissed." Sexton was charged with providing
"contraband" to several in mates incarcerated at the prison.
November 18, 2004 Daily
Record
Former Chester resident Craig Szemple, who is
serving three life terms for murdering three people, will be allowed to
continue his lawsuit against a state prison medical group he claims neglected
to give him physical therapy he needed immediately after elbow and wrist
surgery, a state appeals court has ruled. As a New Jersey State Prison inmate, Szemple
underwent two surgeries related to carpal tunnel syndrome on Nov. 7, 1996, on
his right wrist and elbow. The surgeon ordered physical therapy to begin
"ASAP" but Correctional Medical Services, the conglomerate with the
contract to administer health services to some 26,000 state prisoners, did
not arrange for Szemple to have a physical therapy
evaluation until March 17, 1997. Acting as his own lawyer, Szemple in November 1998 sued Correctional Medical
Services and the state Department of Corrections, alleging that he was given
substandard care and his wrist and elbow worsened as a result of not
receiving immediate physical therapy. The medical group tried unsuccessfully
several times to get Szemple's lawsuit dismissed.
Its lawyers finally succeeded in 2003, when a judge in Mercer County
dismissed the lawsuit, mainly on grounds that a chiropractor whom Szemple wanted to use to prove his case was not qualified
to do so. The appeals court, in
its opinion released Wednesday, reinstated Correctional Medical Services as a
defendant in the lawsuit, saying that the chiropractor is qualified to give
his opinion about the treatment Szemple received.
Oyster Creek Nuclear Power
Plant
Oyster Creek, New Jersey
Wackenhut
April
17, 2003
Two security guards at the Oyster Creek
nuclear power plant were removed from their posts a day after an employee
found them sleeping on the job, company officials said.
The guards, who were placed on administrative leave by their private
employer, were stationed at a second checkpoint outside the plant at 4:50
a.m. Monday when they were found sleeping by an employee coming to
work. This follows on the heels of two other problems reported
recently: A local news station aired footage of someone driving around the
plant's parking lot unchallenged by security, and warning sirens were found
to be inoperative. "First it was the van, then it was the sirens,
now this. What's next?" Lacey resident Janet Wickham said. "It's
like Homer Simpson is running the plant or something." The guards
-- whose names were not made public -- were employees of Wackenhut, a
Florida-based security firm. Each had been with the company for about a year:
one was a former member of the military, the other a former police officer,
said John Jasinski, director of nuclear operations
for Wackenhut. (Asbury Park Press)
Passaic County Jail
Passaic County, New Jersey
Aramark
February 19, 2006 Herald News
Passaic County Jail inmate prayers -- and stomach rumblings -- have been
heard. Sheriff Jerry Speziale is firing the jail's
meal provider, Aramark, and inmates will take charge of the kitchen come May,
Speziale spokesman Bill Maer
said Friday. "We can do it as well as them at this point," he said.
The company's $1.7 million annual contract is being terminated because of
poor "quality, service, attentiveness," said Maer.
Jail officials haven't estimated how much they will save by cooking in-house,
and the financial aspect is secondary, said Maer.
Inmates said the food is cold, measly in portion size, not varied enough and
served on dirty trays, forcing some to pay as much as $200 a month on
pre-packaged food from the jail's commissary. The Philadelphia-based vendor
was the only bidder for the contract and company executives have since 2002
contributed at least $3,700 to Speziale's campaign,
according to election reports. Speziale had advised
the company twice over the past year to step up food quality and
professionalism or lose the contract. Earlier this month, an Aramark employee
at the jail was charged with selling marijuana to inmates. The federal
government began an audit -- its second within four years -- into possible
mistreatment of detainees and substandard jail conditions at Passaic. The
audit is due for release by April. Maer said the
firing of Aramark is unrelated to the audit. Three jail inmates said Friday
they believed Speziale's decision is designed to
appease a growing chorus of inmate complaints about unacceptable jail
conditions, in his quest to secure more federal and state inmates in 2006.
Housing those inmates provided $20.9 million to the department last year.
February 5, 2006 NorthJersey.com
A food service employee at the Passaic County Jail was arrested Saturday
and charged with smuggling marijuana to inmates. Three weeks ago, an
anonymous source tipped jail investigators that Roody
Preval, 18, of Spring Valley, N.Y., could be selling marijuana to jail
inmates, according to Bill Maer, a spokesman for
the Passaic County Sheriff's Department. Employed by Aramark Food Services,
Preval had been working as a warehouse supervisor at the Passaic County Jail
on weekends since July 15. Investigators searched Preval when he reported to
work at 12:10 p.m. Saturday, and they found three grams of marijuana hidden
in a Newport 100 cigarette box. Preval was charged with conspiracy to
distribute marijuana, possession of marijuana, possession of marijuana 1,000
feet from a school, and conspiracy to provide an inmate with contraband
knowing that the contraband was illegal.
January 20, 2006 Herald News
Under pressure from inmates complaining about the quality of jail
cuisine, Passaic County Sheriff Jerry Speziale may
terminate a $1.7 million food service contract with facility's current
provider, Philadelphia-based Aramark. "The sheriff is holding Aramark's
feet to the fire regarding the food quality issue," Bill Maer, spokesman for the Passaic County Sheriff's
Department, said Thursday. Speziale's threat this
week issued to Aramark is his second - last June he changed the company's
contract from annual to month-to-month and told Aramark officials the firm
needed to improve food quality and increase the menu variety, Maer said. Speziale's promise
to re-evaluate Aramark's competency came after a 2 p.m. meeting on Wednesday
with a group of about seven U.S. Marshals Service inmates over grievances,
which included the poor quality of the food served at the county, Maer said. Much of the changes demanded from the food
service company could be traced to a long-simmering controversy over the poor
quality of the meals being served at the county jail. A letter dated Jan. 7
from an anonymous group of U.S. Marshals Service inmates said the meals are
cold and too cheap to be nutritious.
April 2, 2005 Herald News
The Passaic County Jail may drop its $1.4 million-a-year contract with the
food vendor Aramark. "At this point, the department is considering
making alterations or terminating the contract," said Sheriff's
Department spokesman Bill Maer. "Although the
department feels that the vendor has been deficient in many areas, at this
point a final decision has not been made." "Preliminarily, yes,
(jail officials) have said that we could do it cheaper and better," said
County Administrator Anthony DeNova.
Somerset County School Board
Bernards, New Jersey
Aramark
February 2, 2010 AAP.com
Four Shore area men have been arrested in an alleged scheme to artificially
inflate bills for school maintenance work that cost taxpayers in Bernards, Somerset County, at least $2.1 million over a
five-year period. Appearing in court here Tuesday were Robert E. Titus Jr.,
52, of Jackson; John Paris, 61, of Middletown's Belford section; Edward
Beach, 52, of Toms River and Gabriel Caponetto, 50,
of Howell. Somerset County Prosecutor Wayne Forrest announced the arrests
during a news briefing Tuesday morning in his Somerville office, and said at
least two state agencies will review the case. The overbillings took place
between January 2003 and October 2008, and part of the proceeds supported
Titus' gambling habit, according to Forrest. "So far, we've been able to
prove inflated invoices totaling $2.1 million," said Forrest, who added
the amount lost by the Bernards district probably
never will be known, since the exact price of each job, bid at competitive
levels during those years, never was explored through the bidding process.
The scheme was uncovered during a yearlong investigation. According to
Forrest, Titus, as an employee of the district's facilities-management
vendor, Philadelphia-based Aramark Corp., submitted inflated bills for
various projects performed by Paris' construction firm and subcontractors.
Aramark, a national corporation that provides similar services to school
districts throughout the country, was unaware of the overbilling and is not
charged in the case. Aramark has since reimbursed the school district for
what is believed to be the entire amount of the thefts, according to Forrest.
Aramark also provides food-service and janitorial work for the district, but
the overbilling concerns mostly maintenance projects, noted Assistant
Prosecutor Thomas Chirachilla. "Various
projects, things like door replacement, a boiler, storm-drain
replacements," he said. Aramark pays it back -- Forrest said the
investigation began in December 2008, after the Prosecutor's Office was
approached by Aramark and the Bernards school
district with word of a long-term theft against the district by Titus, an
Aramark employee. Titus had been the company's onsite manager in the district
since 1999, a position that enabled him to hire contractors to complete
various construction projects without the district going through the public
bidding process. Since 2003, Titus allegedly used the same contractor — Paris
— for all projects, repairs and maintenance he oversaw. At times, Paris also
hired subcontractors, none of whom is charged in the scheme. "Defendant
Paris then submitted invoices to Titus that would be processed by Aramark and
ultimately submitted to the school district for payment," Forrest said.
"However, unbeknownst to Aramark, the invoices had been inflated by
Titus to allow him to receive monies to which he was not entitled," the
prosecutor said. The difference between the actual and inflated cost was then
given to Titus as a kickback by Paris as a payment for providing Paris with a
steady flow of work in the district, according to Forrest. The defendants
tried to cover up the thefts by having Paris deposit the inflated checks into
his business account. The checks then either were made payable to cash and
taken to Caponetto, who would add or substitute his
company's name on the payee line, endorse the checks, cash them and send the
money back to Titus, again through a third party. Caponetto
was given $100 for each check he cashed. Checks also were written by Paris
with the payee line left blank and taken to a check-cashing store, Check
Cashing Station in Hazlet, where Beach allegedly entered the check-cashing
client database, chose an existing name at random and entered it on the payee
line for Paris. Beach then received a portion of the check-cashing fee that
was normally charged. Discrepancies spotted -- Forrest said the scheme was
uncovered in July 2008, when newly appointed Bernards
School District Business Administrator Nick Markarian began noticing
inconsistencies between invoices submitted by Titus and the actual work
performed. After Titus was confronted by Schools Superintendent Valerie Goger, he admitted "doctoring" an invoice,
apologized, cleaned out his office and left the district, according to
Forrest. Aramark, Titus' employer, then launched its own investigation,
Forrest stated, turning over an internal audit to the Prosecutor's Office
that revealed approximately $2.1 million in thefts over the five-plus years.
Titus and Paris face charges of money laundering, theft by deception and
conspiracy, while Beach faces money-laundering and conspiracy charges, as
well as charges of forgery and uttering forged instruments. Caponetto is charged only with money laundering.
South Woods State Prison
Bridgeton, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
November 23, 2005 Today's Sunbeam
Less than a month after a Southern State Corrections Facility employee was
sentenced here in Superior Court for having sex with inmates, a staff member
at South Woods State Prison has been accused of similar behavior. Dawn Brown,
a nurse aide at the 1,500-inmate South Woods prison in Bridgeton, was picked
up by state Department of Corrections Special Investigations officers Friday
and taken to Cumberland County Jail on charges she had consensual sex with at
least one male inmate at South Woods. "This is something that's
completely unacceptable," said state DOC spokeswoman Deirdre Fedkenheuer. "It was consensual in the fact that no
one was raped. When you have somebody in a supervisory position this
sometimes happens." Brown, who has been charged with sexual assault and
official misconduct, was hired by Correctional Medical Services in May 2004.
CMS provides medical services at South Woods State Prison and other state
facilities throughout New Jersey.
Trenton School Board
Trenton, New Jersey
Aramark
June 30, 2010 Star Ledger
Aramark defended its operation of the school district's cafeterias this
week as parents claimed the company gave their children poor quality food and
demanded its contract not be renewed. The parents who complained to the
school board during its meeting Monday included Waldemar Ronquillo, who
distributed copies of a photo he said he took of his son's cafeteria tray
during a recent lunch at Woodrow Wilson School. The Styrofoam tray in the
picture contained a serving of macaroni and cheese, a piece of broccoli and
an unidentified third dish. Two other compartments on the tray were empty.
"Tell me if you guys want to eat that lunch," Ronquillo, the
school's PTO president, said to the board members. "My kids come home
hungry because they don't eat in school. They throw the food away."
"Please, bring some better food for the kids," he said. Other city
residents, including Councilman Manuel Segura, renewed their protests against
the privatization of school services. Aramark took over the food service last
fall, and the district is considering hiring a private security company to
replace its school guards. "I went to one school where I saw the kids
throwing the food in the garbage," Segura said. "Privatizing hasn't
worked. Hold them accountable, or bring someone else who really cares."
The board also heard from Aramark's regional manager, Alicia Kent, who gave a
presentation describing the company's work since it was hired to help
eliminate the district's $3 million annual food service deficit. Total costs
have fallen from $6.8 million last year to $3.7 million this year, according
to her presentation. Aramark rehired 117 former district cafeteria workers at
lower pay, as well as a few new workers, cutting labor costs from $3.7
million to $2.3 million. It spent $1.7 million less on food, in part by using
free government commodities. The company pushed to enroll more students in
the free- and reduced-price lunch program, and began providing free
breakfasts to all students last November, she said.
Union County
Jail
Union County, New Jersey
Aramark
July 13, 2010 News-Record
Union County police officers arrested an Elizabeth woman on July 6 following
an investigation into tobacco smuggling at the Union County Jail, officials
said. The month-long investigation resulted in the apprehension and arrest of
Shakiedah Payne, 30, an employee of Aramark, the
company that provides food service at the jail. Authorities said Payne
admitted to smuggling contraband in the form of tobacco products into the
jail. She was released pending a court appearance.
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